KEY TAKEAWAYS
KEY TAKEAWAYS
Since its arrival in Haiti in June 2024, the Kenyan-led Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission has faced an entrenched crisis: stabilizing Haiti in the grip of gang dominance and institutional fragility. With fewer than 1,000 personnel from troop contributing countries, the MSS mission has operated against long odds, stepping in as much of the international community has stood by while Haiti descends deeper into crisis.
For Haiti to have any chance of addressing its deep political, economic, and humanitarian challenges, the security crisis must be reversed. The United States has a clear stake in supporting this effort — not only to alleviate the immense suffering of millions of Haitians but to help the country hold on to its greatest asset, its people, who are leaving in search of safety and opportunity in places like the Dominican Republic, Canada, Chile and the U.S. Every departure drains Haiti of the very people it needs to rebuild, prolonging the crisis and deepening despair. Stabilizing Haiti is also critical to preventing a fragile state from becoming a haven for criminal networks, threatening regional stability and security.
Haiti’s security crisis remains unrelenting. Gangs control over 85% of the capital, Port-au-Prince, displacing more than one million people — over half of them children. The breakdown of Haiti’s social fabric has reached devastating new lows. In early December, gang violence claimed the lives of at least 184 people in Cité Soleil, most of them elderly, in a calculated massacre. Humanitarian assistance is dwindling as escalating violence hampers aid efforts.
Doctors Without Borders has been forced to suspended operations at times due to repeated attacks on staff and the execution of patients in transit. International assistance is also faltering, with fewer flights able to reach the capital and gangs controlling key ports and vital supply routes. Meanwhile, the destruction of the Missionaries of Charity convent, founded by Mother Teresa in 1979, marked another grim milestone as it was burned to the ground.
At the heart of any effective response is a need to recognize that exporting security to Haiti is only viable if it supports Haitian institutions and empowers them to build and sustain their own stable future.
In the face of such violence, the MSS mission has made tactical gains, including the capture of gang leader Jimmy “Barbecue” Chérizier’s residence — a symbolic victory that showcased the mission’s capabilities. Yet the limits of its size and scope render these successes fleeting. Without the manpower to consolidate its wins, the mission has often been reactive rather than transformative, struggling to keep pace with the scale of the crisis.
The international community now faces a difficult question: What next? Three options stand out:
Each comes with its own risks and trade-offs. But at the heart of any effective response is a need to recognize that exporting security to Haiti is only viable if it supports Haitian institutions and empowers them to build and sustain their own stable future.
The HNP stands at the center of any viable solution to Haiti’s deepening security crisis, yet the institution has been hollowed out by years of gang infiltration, insufficient funding and low morale. Officers face constant threats from gangs, subsist on inadequate pay and lack the institutional support necessary to operate effectively. This has fostered corruption, rogue behavior and an erosion of public trust. Transforming the HNP into a credible force requires targeted reforms addressing these systemic issues.
Tackling corruption and infiltration is the foundation of any meaningful reform. The connections between gangs and political elites must be dismantled through a robust anti-corruption plan. Officers with ties to gangs or criminal networks must be vetted and removed, while recruitment processes must be made transparent and insulated from outside influence. To achieve this, Haiti needs a strong, well protected system capable of maintaining the integrity of the vetting process. International partners will be key in the early stages, helping to ensure that criminal actors cannot undermine or corrupt the plan. Over time, this support must help build a Haitian institution strong enough to carry out and safeguard these processes independently.
To be successful any anti-corruption plan has to be part of a larger Haitian security strategy that addresses both the immediate crisis and establishes a long-term framework for stability. The most important assistance the international community can provide is helping Haiti develop this strategy, ensuring it is tailored to the country’s unique needs and context. While the recent establishment of the National Security Council under the Transitional Presidential Council marks an important step, it is crucial that international partners focus their efforts on supporting Haiti in crafting a comprehensive security plan.
By aligning international assistance with Haiti’s specific priorities … resources can be more effectively used to build a security model that serves Haiti’s future.
Without such a strategy, current efforts risk being misaligned or fragmented, leading to reforms that are not sustainable in the long run. By aligning international assistance with Haiti’s specific priorities, and through coordinated support like the Canadian-led International Security Assistance Coordination Group, resources can be more effectively used to build a security model that serves Haiti’s future.
Investing in the people who make up the HNP is just as critical as reforming the institution itself. Training must address both immediate operational gaps and long-term institutional development, equipping officers with the tactical skills to counter gang violence while fostering leadership, accountability and professionalism. International advisors can provide crucial mentorship, helping to develop systems that promote effective policing and rebuild community trust.
At the same time, reforms must prioritize the welfare of HNP personnel. Competitive, sustainable pay is essential to attract and retain capable officers, and the Haitian transitional government has taken an important step by recently raising salaries. Ensuring support for officers’ families — who are often targeted by gangs — will further stabilize morale and loyalty. These efforts must be grounded in Haiti’s realities. Reforms must align with the Haitian state’s institutional and resource constraints to ensure they are both practical and sustainable. Without this careful balance, even the most well-intentioned reforms risk unraveling once external support diminishes.
While rebuilding the HNP is a long-term effort, Haiti’s immediate security needs cannot wait. The international community must fill the gaps, stabilizing key areas and addressing the escalating violence. The challenge now is determining what form that assistance should take to provide immediate relief while strengthening Haiti’s ability to build a sustainable, independent security force.
A full-scale U.N. peacekeeping operation (PKO) remains one of the clearest options for addressing Haiti’s security crisis, offering the manpower, resources and mandate needed to reclaim gang-held territory and protect civilians. But that solution comes with a troubled legacy. The U.N.’s history in Haiti — marked by a devastating cholera outbreak and systemic sexual abuse — has left deep scars and a lingering distrust among many Haitians. Still, as violence escalates and the state continues to fracture, calls for a stronger international response are growing louder. Haitian officials insist that without decisive intervention, the crisis will only deepen.
The path to a PKO is far from simple. The United Nations Security Council faces mounting demands, including for intervention in Sudan, making consensus on Haiti difficult. Skeptics, particularly China and Russia, argue that a peacekeeping mission is inappropriate, claiming there is “no peace to keep.” But this view misses the point.
Much of Haiti remains outside gang control, and without intervention, violence will only spread further — as evidenced by recent massacres in the Artibonite Valley, where instability has already begun to spill beyond Port-au-Prince. A mission with real authority to dismantle gang networks, stabilize critical areas and protect civilians could prevent that descent. While the political and logistical challenges are real, a well-executed PKO remains one of the strongest options for breaking Haiti’s cycle of violence and buying time for deeper reforms to take hold.
If a full-scale U.N. peacekeeping operation proves politically unviable, expanding the MSS mission is another viable option. Despite its small size — currently fewer than 1,000 personnel — the mission has shown positive results, including the successful reopening of the Haitian Police Academy and recent graduation of 739 new officers. This marks a significant step in rebuilding the capacity of Haiti’s security forces following the United Nations Security Council’s renewal of the mission in October 2024. While the MSS mission’s current size limits its ability to fully consolidate gains and address the broader security challenges, expanding its mandate and personnel could facilitate more sustained operations and a stronger partnership with the HNP. Success in this approach would still require a robust international commitment to funding and support, but it offers a path forward without the complexities of a full U.N. mission.
One way to bolster the MSS mission’s capacity without requiring large-scale troop deployments is through the strategic use of contracted forces. These units, operating under clear oversight and in close coordination with Haitian leadership, could provide specialized capabilities to fill operational gaps and stabilize critical areas. Similar models have been used in other contexts, most notably for the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor where private security companies provided logistical services, static security and protection for mission personnel. Augmenting the MSS mission with contracted personnel would allow it to target gang strongholds more effectively, secure vital infrastructure, and create the breathing space needed for the HNP to rebuild and reassert its role.
Haiti’s path to recovery depends on immediate and sustained international engagement to address its security crisis and lay the groundwork for long-term stability.
However, the use of contracted forces comes with significant concerns. Issues of transparency, accountability and oversight loom large, particularly in Haiti, where past foreign interventions have left deep mistrust. Without clear safeguards, contractors risk operating outside the bounds of accountability, further undermining trust in international efforts. Experiences in other conflict zones have shown that poorly managed contracted forces can exacerbate tensions and hinder long-term stability. Yet this model is not without precedent in Haiti — former Prime Minister Garry Conille brought in contracted support during his tenure, reflecting its potential as a targeted solution when properly managed.
With the right oversight, coordination and safeguards, contracted forces could provide essential capacity to bolster the MSS mission. By targeting gang strongholds, securing critical infrastructure and stabilizing key areas, they could fill immediate gaps without requiring large-scale troop deployments. If carefully aligned with broader efforts to rebuild Haitian institutions and restore the HNP, this approach offers a realistic way to address the immediate crisis while creating space for Haiti’s long-term recovery.
Haiti’s path to recovery depends on immediate and sustained international engagement to address its security crisis and lay the groundwork for long-term stability. Inaction will only deepen the suffering, prolong the crisis and bring greater harm to Haitians and the region alike. By stepping up now, the United States can help Haiti reclaim its future, restore hope to its people and secure a safer, more stable region.