The Trump administration has appointed four special envoys to coordinate U.S. policy toward key hot spots: Iran, North Korea, Syria, and Afghanistan. Yet in the Red Sea—one of the most volatile and lethal regions of the world afflicted by several interconnected conflicts and rivalries that pose significant challenges to American interests—U.S. policy has been rudderless in large part due to the absence of a similar post.
In October 2017, the United States lifted a wide range of economic sanctions that had been in place against Sudan for two decades. Aly Verjee, a visiting expert at the United States Institute of Peace, recently interviewed roughly 50 Sudanese—including students, business owners, doctors, laborers, activists, and others outside the government-connected elite—on what this first step in the normalization of relations between Sudan and the United States might mean for the future of their country.
As the war in South Sudan rages on, its dynamics are influenced by events across the border in Sudan and by the policies of neighboring countries, regional groups and the broader international community, notably the U.S. It’s just the kind of situation that cries out for an American diplomat with the stature and the ability to work across borders to help resolve the myriad conflicts underlying the fighting, according to former Special Envoy to Sudan and South Sudan Princeton Lyman and two other former diplomats.
In 2013, musicians, artists and activists began what became one of Africa’s most successful grassroots political movements, The Citizen’s Broom (Le Balai Citoyen). Organized to fight corruption in Burkina Faso, the campaign brought thousands of people into the streets with brooms to “sweep them clean” and highlight longtime President Blaise Compaore’s illegitimate attempts to maintain power.
Amb. Princeton N. Lyman testified before the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights & International Organizations
For peacekeeping forces in Africa, the days of simply patrolling a ceasefire line or keeping local armies apart are over. Their assignments today increasingly include protecting civilians, confronting violent extremism and even engaging in what amounts to counter insurgency. These new burdens demand better preparation of troops headed for missions and clearer thinking by those who send them, Ghanaian Army Colonel Emanuel Kotia, a leading trainer of African peacekeepers, said at a U.S. Institute of Peace forum.
Peacebuilders in the Horn of Africa and across the larger Middle East are likely to get better outcomes with a greater understanding of the region’s “political marketplace,” where loyalties based on financial and economic means seem to create more stability than classic institution-building, according to Alex de Waal, executive director of the World Peace Foundation and a professor at Tufts University. But rather than succumbing to illegitimate patronage, some experts say the answer may lie i...
In this episode, we speak with Ambassador Princeton Lyman, a Senior Advisor at the U.S. Institute of Peace and U.S. Special Envoy for Sudan and South Sudan from March 2011-2013. Here, Ambassador Lyman...
Amid Yemen’s turmoil, a 27-year-old woman living in the capital Sana’a works against the odds – political and personal – to strengthen the ability of the country’s young women to promote a more inclusive society. Through a program called Generation Change, the U.S. Institute of Peace aims to support young leaders like her across the Middle East and Africa who face obstacles, even beyond the obvious security risks, that threaten the effectiveness and longevity of their work.
In the midst of a political shift where power is moving from central institutions to smaller, more distributed units in the international system, the approaches to and methodologies for peacemaking are changing. "Managing Conflict in a World Adrift" provides a sobering panorama of contemporary conflict, along with innovative thinking about how to respond now that new forces and dynamics are at play.