President Bush's planned troop surge in Iraq may fail if it does not receive sufficient civilian support. Patricia Thomson and Daniel Serwer outline four points that should be done to help ensure the civilian capacity is strong enough to support the military's role in Iraq.

Members of the Joint Chiefs of Staff sparked a maelstrom in Washington recently when they told President Bush and Defense Secretary Gates that the administration’s planned troop surge in Iraq may fail if it does not receive sufficient civilian support.

The military role in Iraq will always be limited in what it can achieve, they said. No matter how well funded or well trained our troops may be, they alone cannot stabilize Iraq because many of the needed political, economic, legal, and other nation-building skills are not part of the military toolkit.

There are serious questions about whether the civilian side of our national security structure is up to the task. At a minimum, we propose that four things be done to help ensure we have the civilian capacity we need:

  • Ensure effective interagency coordination. At least twelve U.S. government agencies now deploy staff on nation-building missions. The State Department is supposed to be in the lead, but it lacks the staff required as well as clear authority and budgetary control over the nation-building activities of the other involved agencies. Within each agency, the nation-building mission needs to be clarified, funded, and staffed to allow for training and overseas deployments. The many congressional committees that oversee these various agencies need to start coordinating as well.
  • Develop doctrine and tools to support nation building. "Peacefare" should be as well developed as warfare. Both the military and civilians involved in nation-building need to promote shared objectives: a safe and secure environment, the rule of law, democratic governance, a sustainable economy, and social well-being. In addition, civilians need to develop strategies, doctrines, and toolkits based on proven practices and the know-how of experienced professionals. These should be available to all the civilian organizations involved in this work, including government agencies, international and regional organizations, non-governmental organizations and the private sector. Millions of dollars are invested in crafting and perfecting military doctrine. We need a comparable investment on the civilian side. As General John Abizaid said, "The 21st century really requires that we figure out how to get economic, diplomatic, political, and military elements of power synchronized and coordinated against specific problems wherever they exist."
  • Establish a joint training academy. The United States also lacks a national training program where policymakers and practitioners can develop the knowledge and skills needed for nation-building. Such an academy should train not just military and government officials, but also students from multilateral organizations, NGOs, and universities. Joint training of this nature will increase America’s nation-building capacity and that of our counterparts abroad. It will also ensure that future generations have the skills they need to build long-term peace.
  • Create a civilian reserve. Finally, we must develop a pool of experienced professionals who can deploy to support and train foreign government officials, the private sector, and civil society (e.g., mayors, judges, bankers, and other essential civilian personnel) in fragile and war-torn societies. The rudiments of such a civilian cadre already exist. The Treasury Department has a famously effective group of "treasury advisors" who help countries establish central banks, new currencies, and appropriate economic policies. The Justice Department has a substantial capability to deploy law enforcement officials abroad. More of these programs are needed, and they must work in an integrated fashion.

Can we afford all of this? We have already spent more than $400 billion in Iraq and Afghanistan. The annual Pentagon budget, not including Iraq and Afghanistan, is $425 billion. A fraction of these resources would fund the above efforts. Such an investment will help prevent conflicts in the first place—and when fighting is necessary, it will help ensure that America never sends its sons and daughters to war without having the capacity to win the peace.

 

 

 

This USIPeace Briefing was written by Patricia Thomson, executive vice president of the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) and a former naval officer, and Daniel Serwer, vice president of the Center for Post-Conflict Peace and Stability Operations at USIP and a former diplomat. The views expressed are their own, and not necessarily those of the Institute, which does not advocate specific policies.

 

The United States Institute of Peace is an independent, nonpartisan institution established and funded by Congress. Its goals are to help prevent and resolve violent international conflicts, promote post-conflict stability and development, and increase conflict management capacity, tools, and intellectual capital worldwide. The Institute does this by empowering others with knowledge, skills, and resources, as well as by directly engaging in peacebuilding efforts around the globe.


Latest Research & Analysis

Philippines: Former Combatants Help Keep the Peace During Recent Polls

Philippines: Former Combatants Help Keep the Peace During Recent Polls

Wednesday, June 25, 2025

By: Haroro Ingram, Country Director, Philippines, USIP

For decades, the struggle for peace in the Philippines’ southernmost island of Mindanao has been characterized by armed conflict between the Philippines government and Moro separatist groups, like the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), and cycles of failed peace processes. The historic 2014 peace agreement between the Philippines government and MILF led to the granting of greater self-governance with the creation of the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) five years later. What has followed since is an unprecedented, yet very fragile, period of peace and stability.

Type: Analysis

With Cease-fire Holding, Can Israel and Iran Move Toward De-escalation?

With Cease-fire Holding, Can Israel and Iran Move Toward De-escalation?

Wednesday, June 25, 2025

Israel’s stunning and sophisticated June 13 attack on Iran set off a worrying 12-day escalatory spiral. Iran responded in short order with ballistic missile and drone strikes, which led to a series of tit-for-tat exchanges between the two sides. A cease-fire is now in place -- but will it hold?

Type: Analysis

What Are the Limits of U.S.-India Security Burden-Sharing in the Indian Ocean?

What Are the Limits of U.S.-India Security Burden-Sharing in the Indian Ocean?

Monday, June 23, 2025

By: Nilanthi Samaranayake, Adjunct Fellow, East-West Center

When viewing U.S. partnerships in the maritime domain, relations with India, in particular, have thrived — especially over the past decade. Moreover, the partnership enjoys bipartisan support in the United States. Indications after Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to the White House in February 2025 are that U.S.-India security relations will continue to be strong in the second Trump administration.

Type: Analysis

What’s at Stake for China in the Iran War?

What’s at Stake for China in the Iran War?

Monday, June 23, 2025

China has major energy and economic interests that are threatened by an escalating conflict. But Beijing may also see some strategic opportunities with the U.S. focused on the war. Ultimately, China is likely unwilling, and unable, to make a serious effort to broker peace.

Type: Analysis

The Element of Surprise: Space and Cyber Warfare in U.S.-China Rivalry

The Element of Surprise: Space and Cyber Warfare in U.S.-China Rivalry

Wednesday, June 18, 2025

The 2024 revelations over China’s effort to implant malware in critical U.S. infrastructure by the Volt Typhoon hacking group — as well as the Salt Typhoon group’s successful breaching of at least nine major U.S. telecoms — have renewed concern over Beijing’s constant, ongoing efforts to hack Western companies, governments and non-governmental organizations. Unlike past incidents, like those involving Chinese military unit 61398, which were largely about cyber espionage, the Volt Typhoon group was actively implanting malware designed to disrupt critical infrastructure such as water and power systems.

Type: Analysis

View All Research & Analysis