News from Ukraine is focused on its startling presidential election, in which the leading candidate is a comedian whose political role before now has been to play a fictional president in a TV series. Less visible alongside that drama is the country’s process of consolidating the new independence of its Orthodox church after centuries of control by Moscow. Ukraine’s religious independence from Russia is a high-stakes step, one that the Russian government actively opposes, toward a fully independent Ukraine following 300-plus years of Russian domination. In the struggle over control of the church, news accounts and a new U.N. Human Rights Report suggests that Ukraine is mainly—but perhaps not perfectly—preventing acts of intimidation that could increase the risk of violence.

Orthodox worshippers during a midnight Easter ceremony outside the St. Nicholas Cathedral in Donetsk, Ukraine, April 20, 2014. (Mauricio Lima/The New York Times)
Orthodox worshippers during a midnight Easter ceremony outside the St. Nicholas Cathedral in Donetsk, Ukraine, April 20, 2014. (Mauricio Lima/The New York Times)

Ukrainians and their government must prevent physical confrontations between the newly independent church and the long-dominant rival faction beholden to Russia. “The Ukrainian government and the newly created Orthodox Church of Ukraine should work assiduously to prevent any violence, including by their supporters,” USIP Executive Vice President Bill Taylor and Research Coordinator Leslie Minney wrote recently in the Georgetown Journal of International Affairs. “While the independence of Ukraine’s church from Moscow is fraught with political implications for both Ukraine and Russia, the new church can reduce the risks of violence only by keeping itself visibly independent of the Ukrainian government and politics.”

Taylor, a former U.S. ambassador to Ukraine, and Minney stressed that Ukraine’s formal church independence, granted in January by the Orthodoxy’s preeminent prelate, Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew of Constantinople, is “no ordinary foreign policy defeat” for Russian President Vladimir Putin. “For Putin, Ukrainian religious independence undercuts the domestic political narrative with which he justifies his rule, and it weakens the Russian Orthodox Church—Russia’s most venerable institution and one of Putin’s most potent political allies.”

Bartholomew’s declaration that Ukraine’s church is now independent of Moscow has opened “a new competition, likely to last years, for the loyalty of Ukraine’s 18,000 parishes,” two-thirds of which have been under Russian authority, Taylor and Minney wrote. So far, Ukrainian news reports say, some 300 of the Moscow-aligned parishes have switched their allegiance to the independent Ukrainian church. This month, the latest U.N. Human Rights Report on Ukraine says U.N. monitors have investigated accounts saying that “in a few cases” such transfers had not been voluntary, but instead prompted by authorities.

The report offered no conclusions about those cases, but expressed “concern” at “incidents that could be perceived as acts of intimidation against members of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate,” the faction of the church loyal to Russia’s church. The United Nations report, like an account last month by Amnesty International, underscores that Ukraine’s most severe human rights violations, including those against religious freedom, continue to occur in the Russian-occupied Crimean Peninsula.

Ukraine’s news headlines, and its long struggles to consolidate democracy and stem corruption, will this year be dominated by elections. President Petro Poroshenko, who is running for re-election, has made himself a key public sponsor of the church independence movement. This also can pose risks. “As Ukraine’s new church is built, both it and the government must visibly demonstrate the separation of church and state required by Ukraine’s constitution,” Taylor and Minney wrote. “Any appearance of a Russian-style conflation of the two will make the new church an easier target for Moscow’s political attacks.”

Related Publications

Russia Pulls Back Troops—But Not Its Threat to Ukraine

Russia Pulls Back Troops—But Not Its Threat to Ukraine

Monday, April 26, 2021

By: Donald N. Jensen, Ph.D.

Russian ships and trains are moving back the tens of thousands of troops massed on Ukraine’s border because, Russia’s defense minister said last week, their “surprise inspection” had “demonstrated their ability to ensure the reliable defense of the country.” In reality, the Kremlin stood down after its saber-rattling failed to unnerve the Ukrainians—and after President Biden warned President Vladimir Putin directly to drop the military threat, effectively...

Type: Analysis and Commentary

Conflict Analysis & Prevention; Global Policy

A Reason for Hope in Russia’s Industrial Heartland

A Reason for Hope in Russia’s Industrial Heartland

Tuesday, March 23, 2021

By: Paul M. Carter Jr., Ph.D.

The courageous return to Russia and arrest of Alexei Navalny opened a new phase in the opposition to President Vladimir Putin’s rule. Not only were the ensuing demonstrations the largest and most widespread since 2011-2012, but the opposition also showed itself to be more daring, aggressive and creative. The authorities responded with arrests of organizers and activists throughout the country and recently detained 200 elected local officials and others gathered at a conference in Moscow to discuss municipal self-government. The run-up to parliamentary elections scheduled for September will be the next opportunity for the opposition to show its strength.

Type: Analysis and Commentary

Democracy & Governance

What is Russia’s Endgame in Syria?

What is Russia’s Endgame in Syria?

Tuesday, February 16, 2021

By: Mona Yacoubian

Five years into Russia’s military intervention in Syria, understanding Moscow’s endgame could provide critical insights into the decade-long conflict’s trajectory, as well as Russia’s posture in the Middle East and beyond. Although still evolving and subject to internal debates, Moscow’s Syria strategy appears to be centered on a “spheres of influence” model. In this model, Syria is divided into distinct realms under the sway of competing external patrons.

Type: Analysis and Commentary

Conflict Analysis & Prevention

From Navalny to the Economy, Russia Protests Reveal Mass Dissatisfaction

From Navalny to the Economy, Russia Protests Reveal Mass Dissatisfaction

Wednesday, January 27, 2021

By: Donald N. Jensen, Ph.D.

Russia was rocked by demonstrations over the weekend, as thousands braved freezing temperatures to protest the detention of dissident Alexei Navalny. The opposition leader had just returned to Russia after recovering from a poisoning attack, suspected to undertaken by the Kremlin. But Russians’ grievances go well beyond the treatment of Navalny. Corruption, a foundering economy, and dissatisfaction with the ruling elite threaten to propel the protests into a broader movement against President Vladimir Putin’s regime. The Kremlin has alleged that the protests are a Western plot to destabilize Russia. USIP’s Donald Jensen looks at the underlying factors driving the protests, what threat they pose to Putin’s regime, and what, if any, role the United States can play.

Type: Analysis and Commentary

Democracy & Governance

View All Publications