Photo Credit: The New York Times/ Justin Mott

Last April, when I began planning my trip to Burma to assess the status of the civil society peacebuilding, community-led efforts to advance inter-religious coexistence, and the role of religious leaders in this work, I had no idea how significant the timing of my trip would be.

At the time, the images conjured when I thought of Burma’s religious sector’s participation in advancing peace and justice were those from the 2007 “Saffron Revolution:” the mass mobilization of Buddhist monks and nuns throughout the country in protest of the junta’s economic policies and their painful impact on Burma’s civilians. In the aftermath of those extraordinary protests, marked by the images of monks and nuns lining up at the gate of Aung San Suu Kyi’s house, their ritual condemnation of military leaders, as well as the violent response of the government, I reflected on the powerful roles of religious symbols, institutions, and actors in the protests. Indeed, some might argue that one can draw a line between the current dramatic reforms taking place in Burma and the power of those protests (combined, of course, with many other factors both domestic and geopolitical). 

In June of this year, however, new images emerged. This time, the images were of violent events in Rakhine State between Rohingya Muslims and Rakhine Buddhists. In response to the violent attacks between the two communities, Buddhist monks and Muslim religious leaders were shown condemning one another. In Rangoon and Mandalay, monks took to the streets, a haunting reminder of their 2007 mobilization. This time, however, their cause was to demonstrate their opposition to granting legal status to Rohingya.  

In August, when I traveled in Rangoon, Mandalay, and Myitkyina over 10 days, the situation in Rakhine State was primary on people’s minds. Across the board, all those with whom I met rejected the notion that the situation in Rakhine State was a religious conflict. Instead, they pointed to its root political and economic drivers. Yet they also feared that the religious dynamic had the potential to escalate and spread the violence and ultimately to slow the reform process. Many called for greater efforts to bridge religious communities, to promote collaboration between them to address Burma’s challenges, and to protect and preserve peaceful religious coexistence.  In Mandalay and Rangoon, I met with inter-religious groups of clergy and lay people seeking to do just this. In Kachin State, where war continues, I learned about Burmese Buddhist monks who had traveled from Mandalay to provide relief and show solidarity with the victims of violence, reaching across lines of ethnic and religious difference.

As those who have traveled to Burma can attest, its religious sector is very impressive. In the absence of adequate government services over recent decades, the religious sector has stepped up to fill the gap: providing health services, alternative school systems, and humanitarian relief to the population. Their understanding of community needs and their ability to organize, mobilize, and respond to those needs is significant. It is my prayer that as Burma continues to move forward, the religious sector will continue to use its powerful capacity to unite its myriad communities and to advance peace. Throughout the next year, USIP will provide ongoing support to Burma’s religious sector to meet these objectives.

Related Publications

Myanmar: New Data Show Wide Support for Unity Government

Myanmar: New Data Show Wide Support for Unity Government

Thursday, February 29, 2024

By: Jangai Jap, Ph.D.;  Amy H. Liu, Ph.D.

The three-month offensive by Myanmar’s alliance of disparate ethnic armed groups has weakened the military regime more than at any time since it seized power three years ago. This highlights a question for international policymakers: Could the anti-coup forces stabilize Myanmar? New public opinion data bolsters evidence that the National Unity Government (NUG) — which combines representatives elected in the 2020 election and ethnic minority leaders — has a solid basis to lead such an effort, holding strong popular support across Myanmar’s numerous ethnic groups. Such stabilization will depend on the NUG’s ability to deepen its inclusivity and responsiveness and broaden its political coalition.

Type: Analysis

Democracy & Governance

Myanmar’s Fateful Conscription Law

Myanmar’s Fateful Conscription Law

Monday, February 26, 2024

By: Ye Myo Hein

Earlier this month, Myanmar’s ruling junta enacted a compulsory conscription law that had been dormant since 2010. General Guan Maw, a leader of the Kachin Independence Organization, greeted the junta's decision by comparing it to the 2021 military coup: "If February 1, 2021, was the beginning of the end, the law enforced on February 10, 2024, can be said to mark the end of the end.” As popular reactions to the new conscription plan roll out across the country, General Guan Maw’s pronouncement becomes increasingly prescient.

Type: Analysis

Conflict Analysis & Prevention

Two Years Later, What Has the Indo-Pacific Strategy Achieved?

Two Years Later, What Has the Indo-Pacific Strategy Achieved?

Thursday, February 15, 2024

By: Carla Freeman, Ph.D.;  Mirna Galic;  Daniel Markey, Ph.D.;  Vikram J. Singh

This month marks the second anniversary of the Biden administration’s Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS). USIP experts Carla Freeman, Mirna Galic, Daniel Markey, and Vikram Singh assess what the strategy has accomplished in the past two years, how it has navigated global shocks and its impact on partnerships in the region.

Type: AnalysisQuestion and Answer

Global Policy

Three Years After Coup, Myanmar’s Generals Face an Existential Crisis

Three Years After Coup, Myanmar’s Generals Face an Existential Crisis

Thursday, February 1, 2024

By: Priscilla A. Clapp;  Billy Ford;  Nang Raw;  Jason Tower;  Andrew Wells-Dang, Ph.D.

Three years after Myanmar’s military overthrew the country’s democratically elected government, the ruling generals — having suffered humiliating battlefield defeats — face an existential crisis. Victories by the diverse ranks of Myanmar’s resistance have invigorated their morale and they are tightening battlefield coordination despite slow progress toward political consensus. The military, meanwhile, is short of manpower and controls a shrinking percentage of the nation.

Type: AnalysisQuestion and Answer

Global Policy

View All Publications