PART THREE
Chapter Three (B)

August 1977 through March 1990 (continued)

2. HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS COMMITTED BY PRIVATE CITIZENS FOR POLITICAL REASONS DURING THE AUGUST 1977-MARCH 1990 PERIOD
   
   
   1. OVERVIEW
      
      
      1. The victims
         
         During the period between the end of 1977 to March 11, 1990, human rights violations committed by politically motivated private citizens cost the lives of 93 people. The causes of this obvious rise in the level of political violence will be examined and explained in the next few pages, which will also deal with the groups that were carrying out such actions.
         
         Fifteen of these victims were civilians, some of whom were children. They were killed by bombs set off in public places, armed political propaganda actions, and one instance of a selective assassination. These people happened to be present when terrorist attacks took place, but they were not themselves involved.
         
         All the others killed were members of the armed forces, the police, and the security forces. They were killed in different kinds of terrorist attacks, particularly selective assassination attempts, robberies to get money for other kinds of actions, bombings, and attacks on units of the police or armed forces. Prominent in this latter group were attacks on the lives of police who were doing their duty, for example, standing guard, when they were ambushed and had no chance to respond to the aggression. In a number of instances, after they had been killed their weapons or headgear were taken.
         
         Those responsible used various criteria in choosing their victims. Sometimes it was simply a matter of chance. In other cases, they were chosen very much because of the person's highly visible role in the government or the security agencies. However, it can be said that in most cases the object was not so much to do harm to the specific person being attacked as to cause an overall impact within society. The individual thereby became a mere instrument. Such a practice is incompatible with the value of human life as embodied in the modern conception of human rights.
         
         
      2. Evolution of terrorist activity
         
         Terrorist activity was at a low level in 1978 and 1979. Fatal instances of violence in 1979 cost the lives of Lieutenant Luis Carevic as he was trying to deactivate a bomb; Sergeant Nicomedes Inostroza; and Bruno Burdiles, who was brutally murdered when a large group of people attacked the Agas market in Santiago. The next year, however, violent actions began to occur more frequently. Our Commission found six fatalities from either direct attacks or bombs set off. In 1981 and 1982 such activity began to decline and there were no killings of military or police. However, the pace picked up again from 1983 to 1989, when terrorist activity grew at an alarming rate.
         
         
      3. Those responsible
         
         The MIR (Revolutionary Left Movement) and the FPMR (Manuel Rodríguez Revolutionary Front), which came on the scene in 1983, were primarily responsible for this violence. A new group, the MAPU Lautaro, began to carry out actions at the close of this period.
         
         c.1) Internal structure of these groups
         

         Since these violent groups operate underground in a kind of life and death struggle against a military regime, the public is not familiar with their structures-nor indeed are all their members. Hence it is difficult to determine with precision how they are organized and how they make their decisions.
         
         One feature can be noted immediately, the manner in which power is centralized. The members are organized around the idea of compartmentalized functions and absolute compliance with agreements once they are made. That gives them a character of strict discipline, which of course makes them somewhat attractive to young people.
         
         The information available indicates that the MIR is organized into cells. The top authority is the central committee, presided over by a national secretariat, as its executive body. The general secretary is the visible head, and depending on circumstances he may act as a political leader. This solid structure is nevertheless affected by events, thereby occasioning internal problems and divisions that will be mentioned below. Within the MIR special action groups may be formed, for example, the Miguel Enríquez Rebel Youth, which sought to recruit young people for revolutionary action.
         
         At the beginning of this period, many MIR activists were outside the country in exile. They had survived the period of greatest repression, organized by the DINA. By 1975 their activity had almost been brought to a standstill. Most of those outside the country remained united around their leaders and under their command. During this period the MIR's contacts in Argentina had weakened as a result of changing circumstances there, and France became the new place for assembling. It was there that the organization decided to give its members military training, and many of them travelled to Cuba for that purpose. There is proof that groups assigned to carry out particularly complex missions received training in other countries.
         
         In 1980 the MIR leadership made the decision to have its members return in large numbers. That process had to be clandestine, since the MIR was prohibited from entering Chile. A number of methods were used, and many members managed to evade government vigilance and make it back into Chile in order to take up their subversive activity once more. The most outstanding event during this period was the Neltume episode, which is described in a previous section. This was the MIR's most serious effort to establish a permanent guerrilla foco, which was to begin in the mountains in the Tenth Region. The plan was that the top leaders would establish a base there. This experience ended in failure, and many of the organization's activists were killed. That failure prompted major internal changes and the painful process of deciding who would assume particular responsibilities, which in turn later led to a split in the organization.
         
         That these violent approaches failed is not to be explained solely on the grounds that the organization may have been infiltrated. It was also due to the difficulties the members had in getting settled and in being integrated into the community, thus making it easier for security agents to locate them. Moreover, mistakes were made in training members, and in planning and carrying out actions. The CNI detected a substantial proportion of the MIR activists who entered the country underground.
         
         As a result of these failures, MIR activity gradually became less significant over the years, and the group had to make way for the violent actions of a new group, the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front, which resulted from a change of strategy within the Communist party. This group operates with similar structures, but it is more militarized. Its specifically military structure stands above the rest of the organization. Its leaders have military titles. The top authority is a "command" made up of twelve members. Five of them are further singled out as "supreme commanders."
         
         The leaders of these organizations have often made public statements. When they do so, they speak with conviction and assurance. The assumption is that their organizations are solidly united and are utterly unwavering in support of their leaders. Yet they have certainly not been free from problems arising from splits into factions or around particular leaders. The experience of the members of these organizations has been shaped by the fact that many of them took part in the armed actions that led the Sandinistas to power in Nicaragua, and in armed activity in Angola, in addition to receiving training in Cuba and the Soviet Union.
         
         The FPMR's political vision differs from that of the MIR, which still holds onto the vision of society it had in the 1960s. The FPMR's starting point is an analysis that sees a society on the brink of a massive general uprising against a government it regards as dictatorial. Its action is stamped with the idea of a popular uprising and the acceptance of all forms of struggle that the Communist party, profoundly altering its strategy, adopted after the regime moved toward becoming more institutionalized in 1980. That is why all the FPMR's violent actions are urban, and it has not had a conception of guerrilla warfare, such as the one that is obvious in the MIR's efforts in Neltume.
         
         Finally, it was the idea of a "grand revolution" in the minds of the FPMR ideologues that led them to plan to stockpile a large supply of weapons at Carrizal Bajo and to attack General Pinochet and his motorcade. The security forces, however, discovered the location in the north where these weapons were being smuggled into the country. The government made accusations against the subversives and connected the events to foreign countries. The public was initially inclined to be skeptical, but evidence showed that there really was such an effort. The far left parties could not deny it, and this ultimately became a setback for them. The effort nevertheless showed that their international connections and their ability to operate inside Chile should not be underestimated. Most of the citizenry disapproved of that action. The legal procedure that then ensued, criticisms of the way it has been conducted notwithstanding, has brought many details to light.
         
         The attack on the president's motorcade along the Cajón del Maipo road as he was returning to Santiago took the lives of several bodyguards, but it failed to achieve its main objective. Once more it drew attention to the proven ability of FPMR organizers and to their option for armed struggle. Again, the bulk of the citizenry did not approve of the action. Most of those involved are still in prison pending the outcome of a court case that is still in process. The salient point about these two actions is, as we said, the idea that had they been successful they would have precipitated a vast popular uprising. That is not in tune with how the citizenry felt at that time however, as was clearly evidenced later. These landmark events took place in 1986 which the FPMR called the "decisive" year, and yet which marked the beginning of their own downfall as an organization when these two actions failed.
         
         Although it was still able to engage in elaborate actions that had a great deal of impact, such as the kidnapping of Colonel Carreño and the murders of the neighborhood leader Simón Yévenes and of the former member of the Joint Command, Roberto Fuentes Morrison, in the next few years the FPMR saw its cadres decimated with internal squabbles and a merciless persecution by government authorities operating both through military prosecutor's offices and in actions of repression, such as Operation Albania, already described.
         
         Finally, the MAPU Lautaro, which is newer and less well-known, reflects its ties to the MAPU political party from which it sprang. Its organization is more oriented toward political forms. It includes what are called the MAPU Lautaro party, the Lautaro Youth Movement, and the Lautaro Rebel and Popular Forces. It is this last structure that advocates activities of a military nature and which have recently taken the form of terrorist actions. The political rationale for this group's actions is even fuzzier and less comprehensible than that of the previous organizations. Its actions are plainly more cruel. The explanation may lie in the diversity of its members, their very limited training, and the lack of clarity over their aims. It should certainly be acknowledged, however, that little is known about its inner workings.
         

         c.2) The thinking of those involved
         

         The connection between the organizations that advocate violence in our country and terrorist acts can be studied in the writings of those who have assumed leadership roles within them. The MIR's positions have already been presented, and its literature is readily available. These positions derive from the Marxist idea of revolution, which entails a strategy of popular rebellion aimed at overthrowing the bourgeois state. The Bolshevik and Cuban revolutions are the greatest examples. They offer examples of many actions aimed at making a democratic regime or a dictatorship "ungovernable." That is not the same as an act of terrorism properly speaking. The specific feature of the organizations that advocate violence in our country and elsewhere in Latin America is that they have opted for actions that they called selective. They employ their tactics in order to intimidate, cause confusion, and wreak havoc in a way that might have seemed impossible, and so be seen as triumphantly bold. The group accordingly chooses particular victims who can be killed with impunity. To see whether that is what they have done in Chile one need only note what they themselves have said.
         
         In 1984 the top leader of the MIR said, "We understand this popular war as the combined development of all forms of mass struggle, from the use of active nonviolence passing through direct and disruptive mobilizing all the way to the development of violent armed struggle." That is the central argument. What he calls "direct and disruptive mobilizing" can be taken to mean the protest demonstrations that the opposition organized in 1983 and 1986. The use of the term "armed struggle" expresses the position that rebellion is regarded as valid in a particular given situation. Another quotation is even more illustrative: "We have shown that we can sabotage many railroad lines. We have derailed dozens of trains. We have attacked the electrical power system and knocked over numerous high power lines. We have also carried out actions to punish agents of repression. We have set ambushes. We have also conducted actions to harass police stations." "Punishment" and "ambush" fall within the category of terrorist actions.
         
         The Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front can be said to have superseded the MIR in carrying out violent actions. The FPMR has been making its presence felt since 1984, but it has been clearly the major force since 1986. The army's accusations of acts of violence are made almost exclusively at this front. The July 1988 issue (No. 32) of its newsletter El Rodriguista has an interview with the national leadership of the FPMR in which it is stated:
         
         The FPMR wants to make it very clear that the occasions on which we have clashed with the regime's forces have occurred when they have taken a repressive position and are attacking the people. We are therefore ready to respond in defense of the people, and to confront those forces, and naturally inflict casualties on them. We do not deny that at all.
         
         In fact when we carry out a selective kind of action, we do not have to offer elaborate explanations so that the country will understand who we have attacked, and what our purpose has been.
         
         There is a lot of talk about verdicts and death sentences that the FPMR is supposed to have issued. We would like to say that it is not true. We do not need to be issuing elaborate verdicts, or sentencing particular people to death, since the one who is carrying out repression, who is committing a crime, who is staining his hands with the blood of the people is ipso facto condemning himself and therefore becomes a target for us.
         
         It is precisely the concept of "staining one's hands" that would demand deep ethical and political understanding on the part of all.
         
         Both organizations' statements are in keeping with what has happened. The account provided in this report confirms what they have said. Over a substantial period of time-from the killings of the high ranking officers Vergara and Urzúa to the attack on the presidential motorcade-the MIR and the FPMR have engaged in violent activity. Even today they still hold those same underlying doctrinal and practical ideas.
         

         c.3) Methods used
         

         The kinds of action most commonly carried out by subversive groups during this period are those of urban guerrilla warfare. Such actions produced the victims discussed in this report.
         
         The common procedure in selective killings was to surround the victim's car near his house. Strategically placed snipers would fire automatic weapons. This procedure limited the ability to respond and made it easier to escape. These groups would also shoot police from behind and run away.
         
         Subversive movements tended to use explosives a great deal. They especially targeted high voltage power lines, radio stations, and generally tended toward actions that would become widely known. The result was that innocent people were killed as well as persons inexperienced in handling explosives. They also engaged in bank robberies, some of them bloody. Their purpose was not simply to get money for future actions but also to get themselves publicity and to show that government security mechanisms could be penetrated.
         
         The smuggling of large supplies of weapons has already been noted. The fact that it required complex operations indicates the capacity for prior planning that such groups sometimes evidenced, whatever the end result of those actions may have been.
         

         c.4) Current situation of groups practicing violence
         

         The stance described above has not disappeared. Both movements (MIR and FPMR) have held to their position in recent years and even after the advent of a new government. Circumstances have had an effect, however. Most of the country has tended to accept the form of opposition that, while criticizing the system in place, adhered to that system's parameters in order to attain its own objectives. When everything was moving in this direction and preparations were underway for allowing the people to express their will, for example, in the plebiscite that had been mentioned in the Constitution, the route of violence seemed to be obsolete. That was perhaps why these organizations had internal problems. The MIR split: one part continued to advocate armed struggle and in turn split into the "Historic MIR" and the "Miliary Commission MIR"; the other group, called "MIR Renewal," entered political life. It joined the United Left in 1987 and ran candidates in the parliamentary election [December 14, 1989].
         
         After having justified all kinds of actions that had been undertaken and providing a twofold theoretical basis for them (overthrowing the military government and preparing to change the social system), the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front was also divided. The "Autonomous Front" emerged as the stronger faction. The FPMR generally rejected the means used by the opposition because they seemed doomed to failure. When the new government came in, it took more concrete actions, and tried to attack people who had been part of the previous regime. The assassination attempt against General Leigh is attributed to the FPMR.
         
         We should note that there has been a good deal of discussion on connections between the FPMR and the Communist party. Actually neither organization has acknowledged that there is any tie or that one has authority over the other-nor have they expressly disavowed it. Recent events indicate that the two are distinct, since the Communist party accepted the opposition's decisions on the plebiscite and the presidential and parliamentary election. It is the "autonomous" faction that refuses to accept this point; the other faction agrees with the party, and there are some reports that activists from this sector of the FPMR have joined or rejoined the party.
         
         The spirit of revolutionary violence is not extinguished, however. In 1990 the MAPU, which also advocates revolution, took on a new vitality. It works with young people and has made violent attacks on banks, Mormon church properties, members of the armed forces, stores, and so forth. The recent killing of two police is attributed to MAPU-Lautaro.
         
         What currently constitutes the problem of "political prisoners," as they are conventionally called, is the fact that they are accused of the crimes described in this section. These are serious actions, some even leading to death, resulting from the use of weapons, bombs, and the like. The political factor was at work in all of them, although the law does not use that category to define these actions as crimes.
         
         The situation is very complex since those who are on trial or who have been sentenced for such crimes make three arguments on their own behalf: the right to rebel, which they claim is the reason that they have launched their strategy of armed struggle; the fact that elementary norms of due process were not observed in their own trials; and the claim that they have been punished unjustly, either because they are innocent or because the punishment is excessive. Hence, when the question of how to solve the problem is discussed, political positions are continually clashing. While some regard the military regime's human rights violations as justified because it was necessary to invoke the right to rebellion in order to overcome the previous crisis, likewise those who allegedly broke the laws of that regime believe they are innocent, because they are being oppressed by a dictatorial society.
         
         The matter should be handled by the proper agencies within the Chilean democratic system. This Commission can only say that beyond those humanitarian considerations that would urge rapid solutions while not impairing the essence of the law, in principle such thinking should not focus one-sidedly on how the rights of the individual relate to the rights of society. All those who believed they could take another persons's life in the difficult situations that we Chileans have experienced during these years must understand that they were mistaken. If, instead of holding onto criteria that violate the rights of each human being, they were to grasp the depth of the individual and collective suffering of so many people, we could perhaps hope that the truth might lead to justice and to a way of life proper to a truly human society.
         
         The Commission has judged that the fatal incidents narrated in the next section constituted grave human rights violations during this period.
         
         

   2. CASES
      
      On April 23, 1979, Luis Francisco CAREVIC CUBILLOS, 26, an army lieutenant and a member of the CNI (National Center for Information), was killed. That day the CNI anti-bomb unit was advised that a suspicious package had been placed near the Santa Maria CNI headquarters. Lieutenant Carevic led the operational group that went to the site. When they arrived they found that it was indeed a bomb. The timing device indicated that it was going to explode in a few seconds. In order to avoid as much damage as possible, it was decided that it should be thrown into the Mapocho River. However, the bomb also had another mechanism that would set it off if it were moved. It went off, and Lieutenant Carevic was killed on the spot. Since he suffered a violent death as the result of a bomb that had been placed for the purpose of doing damage and creating public alarm, this Commission has come to the conviction that Lieutenant Carevic Cubillos was killed by a terrorist action that violated his human rights which was committed by private citizens for political reasons.
      
      On June 21, 1979, Nicomedes INOSTROZA MOLINA, 42, a police first sergeant who was assigned to the Eleventh station in Santiago, was killed. At about 8:00 a.m. near the Lo Valledor slaughterhouse in Santiago, Sergeant Inostroza, who was in charge of police van Z-757, and his assistant tried to halt a pickup truck driven by MIR members that looked suspicious to them. The car sped away, and they began to chase it. The suspects abandoned their pickup, and the police officers followed them on foot. The police and those they were pursuing fired their weapons. Sergeant Inostroza was killed by a "perforating bullet to the chest, lungs and aorta," fired by MIR members. The facts gathered indicate that he was fulfilling his normal duties, and that in the course of doing so he began to follow suspects, and in that pursuit MIR members shot him to death. This Commission has come to the conviction that First Sergeant Nicomedes Inostroza was killed as the result of a human rights violation committed by MIR members.
      
      On November 24, 1979, Bruno Orlando BURDILES VARGAS, 33, a police first corporal, was killed. That day he was guarding a truck whose crew was carrying valuables from the Banco de Concepción. When they arrived at the Agas supermarket at the corner of Calle Manquehue and Isabel La Católica in Santiago, an armed group attacked them. First Corporal Burdiles was in the back of the truck and was hit by two bullets and died. A second police corporal was also wounded.
      
      The evidence gathered makes it possible to conclude that:
      
      
      • he was killed while carrying out duties proper to his agency;
        
        
      • he was killed in the attack by armed groups who were trying to seize the money being transported;
        
        
      • although it had obvious similarities to common crime, in view of the way it took place, the kind of organization displayed, and the weapons used, it is reasonable to regard this action as politically motivated.
        
        
      Bearing in mind that he was killed while repelling an attack by a group that was committing crimes for political purposes, the Commission has come to the conviction that First Corporal Bruno Burdiles died a victim of a human rights violation.
      
      On March 24, 1980, Orlando José SAEZ PEREZ, 10, a fifth grade student at School E-148 in Quinta Buin, was killed. He was returning from school together with his sister and an aunt. When they came near the La Pincoya checkpoint, he found a package in a string bag hanging from a tree and was especially intrigued by the clock inside. When young Saez opened the package the bomb went off. He died a few hours later at the Neurosurgery Institute of the damage caused to his limbs by the bomb's impact, as the autopsy report indicated. The evidence makes it possible to conclude that he was killed as the result of the explosion of a bomb placed intentionally so that any passer-by would set it off by picking it up. The Commission has come to the conviction that Orlando José Sáez died a victim of a grave human rights violation, when a bomb placed on a public thoroughfare by politically motivated terrorists exploded on him.
      
      In Valparaíso on April 19, 1980, Domingo Antonio ROCHA ROCHA, 59 and Rodolfo Hernán PINTO, 49, both of whom were working in the Minimum Employment Plan, were killed. They were killed by the explosion of a bomb that terrorists had placed at the provincial capital building in Valparaíso where there were always many people coming and going. Having verified these facts, this Commission has come to the conviction that Domingo Antonio Rocha and Rodolfo Hernán Pinto suffered a violation of their basic human rights committed by unknown people who were politically motivated.
      
      On April 29, 1980, Heriberto Hernán NOVOA ESCOBAR, 21, a policeman, was killed. That morning officer Novoa was on duty at Cerro Santa Lucía guarding the "flame of freedom." A group, presumably composed of MIR members, shot and killed him. They then stole his weapon. Since he was on duty and the attack on him was clearly politically motivated, this Commission holds the conviction that policeman Heriberto Novoa was killed by a terrorist act committed by politically motivated private citizens who violated his right to life.
      
      On July 15, 1980, army Lieutenant Colonel Roger Juan de Dios VERGARA CAMPOS, 43, the head of the army intelligence school, was killed in an ambush set by MIR activists. At the corner of Calles Puyehue and Manuel Montt in the Providencia district in Santiago, a taxi cut in front of his car, forcing his driver to slow down. At that moment a pickup truck pulled up to Vergara's car and two individuals in the back began shooting at him and his driver. Lieutenant Colonel Vergara was taken toward the military hospital but died on the way. His driver was seriously wounded. The evidence gathered makes it possible to conclude that the action was planned and carried out in such a way as to kill him and assure that the perpetrators could escape. The Commission has come to the conviction that Lieutenant Colonel Roger Vergara was killed by MIR members in an action that constituted a human rights violation.
      
      On December 16, 1980, Manuel ESPINOZA BRAVO, 52, was killed. He was killed when MIR members robbed a branch of the Banco de Chile on Avenida Pedro Aguirre Cerda in Santiago. When Espinoza, who was guarding cars, became aware of the robbery he tried to run and tell the police, and was shot by one of the robbers. This Commission has come to the conviction that Manuel Espinoza Bravo was killed by MIR members in an action that gravely violated human rights.
      
      On December 30, 1980, at about 2:30 p.m. three banks were robbed on Avenida Irarrázaval in Santiago (the banks of Concepción, Chile, and Talca). Two police officers from the Eighteenth station in Ñuñoa were killed:
      
      Washington GODOY PALMA, 31, a police first corporal, and
      
      Daniel Alberto LEIVA GONZALEZ, 27, a police second corporal.
      
      This operation involved many people, and entailed elaborate tactics, even the use of police uniforms. The robberies took place simultaneously. These two police officers were among those who came to provide protection. The bank robbers shot and killed them.
      
      Since these two police officers were killed as they were carrying out their duty to protect public order, and since the bank robbery was an action carried out by a politically motivated armed group, this Commission has come to the conviction that the human rights of First Corporal Washington Godoy and Second Corporal Daniel Alberto Leiva were violated by a politically motivated armed group that killed them.
      
      On November 18, 1981, three members of the investigative police who were assigned to the Eleventh station of the investigative police in Las Condes, were killed:
      
      Héctor Hugo HENRIQUEZ ALISTE, 28, an inspector;
      
      Ricardo REYES URRA, 21, a detective;
      
      Sergio Leonel OSBEN CUEVAS, 25, a driver.
      
      These three officers were in a police car patrolling Calle Eliodoro Yáñez in the Providencia district and were passing by the house of the head of the presidential general staff when an armed group attacked them. Since they were carrying out their normal duties and were killed in an ambush which was obviously intended to have a political impact, this Commission has come to the conviction that Inspector Héctor Henríquez, Detective Ricardo Reyes, and driver Sergio Osben were killed by an armed group operating for political reasons and that this action gravely violated their human rights.
      
      On July 6, 1981, Carlos Enrique TAPIA BARRAZA, 60, a subofficer major (ret.) in the army who worked for the CNI, was killed when he was shot by unknown people as he was leaving his house on Calle Anoca, Villa La Unión, San Miguel. Since he belonged to the CNI, and since similar things were happening during this period, it can be concluded that this attack was politically motivated. This Commission has come to the conviction that the human rights of Carlos Enrique Tapia were violated by private citizens who killed him for political reasons.
      
      On September 19, 1981, Victor Manuel NAHUELPAN SILVA, 19, a conscript, was killed when he was accidentally hit by a burst of machine gun fire in the course of an anti-guerrilla operation in Neltume in the Tenth Region. The evidence it has obtained enables this Commission to come to the conviction that Víctor Manuel Nahuelpan, a conscript, died as a result of the situation of political violence prevailing in that time and place.
      
      On August 30, 1983, at the intersection of Calle Cordillera and Avenida Apoquindo in Santiago at about 9:00 a.m. the intendant of the Metropolitan Region, Major General Carol Urzúa Ibáñez (ret.), was attacked. The general and two of his bodyguards were killed. Their names were:
      
      Carol Miguel Angel URZUA IBAÑEZ, 57, army major general (ret.), who was intendant of the Metropolitan Region:
      
      Carlos Manuel RIVEROS BEQUIARELLI, 30, an army first corporal who belonged to the armored cavalry and had been assigned to the CNI; and
      
      José Domingo AGUAYO FRANCO, 34, an army second corporal who belonged to the transportation service and was assigned to the CNI.
      
      As Major General Urzúa (ret.) and his bodyguards left his house on Calle La Cordillera that day and came to the corner of Avenida Apoquindo they were attacked by a group of individuals who were pretending to be fixing a stalled car and others who had taken positions in the area. General Urzúa's car was caught in a crossfire and was hit by 62 bullets. Major General Urzúa (ret.) was hit five times and died on the spot. The two bodyguards were also hit by a number of bullets and also died on the spot. The testimony from witnesses that this Commission has received along with other evidence examined has enabled it to declare that a group of MIR activists was responsible for this action. On the basis of the evidence it can be concluded that this was a surprise terrorist attack in which the victims had no chance to defend themselves. The Commission holds the conviction that Major General Carol Urzúa, First Corporal Carlos Manuel Riveros, and Second Corporal José Domingo Aguayo died victims of human rights violations committed by MIR activists.
      
      On September 11, 1983, Pedro Efraín SALAS LINEROS, 33, a police second sergeant who was assigned to the Fifth station in Conchalí, was killed. While Second Sergeant Salas was standing guard at the house of an appeals court judge, two armed individuals shot at him with intention to kill, leaving him gravely wounded; they then took his gun and ran away. He managed to radio to the police station for help. He was taken to the José Joaquín Aguirre Hospital and died there of his wounds. The autopsy report concluded that he was hit by four bullets, and that the cause of death was abdominal and spinomedular trauma aggravated by a peritonitis which was ultimately the cause of death. This information indicates that the perpetrators took him by surprise and shot him at close range, and therefore he had no chance to defend himself. The Commission came to the conviction that police Second Sergeant Pedro Efrain Salas was killed by politically motivated private citizens and that their actions were a violation of his fundamental rights.
      
      On October 13, 1983, Juan Angel CACERES OPAZA, 31, a police second corporal who was assigned to the Third station in Santiago, was killed. At dawn that day he was standing guard at the police apartment building on Calle Herrera between Rosas and Santo Domingo. Individuals who were passing by suddenly opened fire on Cáceres. They took away his weapon and his radio equipment, and ran away. Cáceres was already near death as he was being taken toward Emergency Clinic No. 3 of the public health system, and he died along the way. Eyewitnesses observed that on their way to a waiting car the three individuals threw miguelitos [homemade wire devices for puncturing tires] on the road to prevent them from being pursued. The autopsy report concluded that the cause of death was cranioencephalic, cervical, thoracic, and spinomedular trauma from bullets. Since it has been established that this subofficer was on duty and that the perpetrators attacked him by surprise, the Commission was able to come to the conviction that police Second Corporal Juan Angel Cáceres was killed by politically motivated private citizens who violated his human rights.
      
      On November 5, 1983, Héctor Arturo FUENTEALBA ASCENCIO, 28, a police first corporal who was assigned to police general headquarters where he worked as a radio operator, was killed. That day while Corporal Fuentealba was at the intersection of Pasajes Argentina and Bizancio in the Maipú district on his way to work, an unidentified civilian who was in the company of another shot at him. They then took his gun and ran away. Gravely wounded, he was taken by ambulance to the main medical center and died that same day. The autopsy report says that the cause of death was damage from perforating bullet wounds to the chest and abdomen and to the left arm, and that he was hit four times. Witnesses say that he was shot point blank and had no chance to defend himself. The Commission has come to the conviction that the human rights of First Corporal Héctor Arturo Fuentealba were violated by the politically motivated private citizens who killed him.
      
      On November 15, 1983, José Miguel JORQUERA GALVEZ, 26, a policeman assigned to the Petorca police station, was killed. That morning he was travelling as a guard with two social security employees from Quillota who were carrying a shipment of money. When they came to the La Grupa Tunnel, MIR members in a car cut in front of their vehicle and stopped it. After taking four million pesos, they shot this policeman. He died that night in the Cabildo Hospital. His killers took his weapon and the government vehicle. The death certificate says that the cause of death was a bullet wound that destroyed his brain. The Commission has come to the conviction that police officer José Miguel Jorquera was killed by MIR activists in an action that violated his right to life.
      
      On December 28, 1983 Francisco Javier PEREZ BRITO, 27, a policeman who was working as a courier for the central district's Twenty-first station, was killed. That day he was going to leave correspondence at the western prefecture in Santiago. As he got off the bus at the corner of Calles Teniente Cruz and General Bonilla, two individuals ambushed him. They shot him in the back and left him dying. They took his weapon and ran away. He died at the police hospital.
      
      Fifteen hours later Manuel Jesús VALENZUELA LOYOLA, 45, a police second sergeant who was assigned to the Third station in Santiago, was also killed. While Sergeant Valenzuela and another policeman were guarding the police neighborhood on Calle Herrera between Rosas and Santo Domingo, unidentified individuals attacked him. Although they managed to repel the attack, this subofficer was left mortally wounded, and he died early the next morning at the police hospital. His colleague was also wounded. Another policeman had been killed at this same spot two months before. The autopsy report on policeman Pérez Brito concluded that the cause of death was abdominal and thoracic trauma from bullets. The autopsy report on Valenzuela Loyola came to the same conclusion. Since these two policemen were on duty and in both cases the perpetrators made sneak attacks, this Commission has come to the conviction that police officer Francisco Javier Pérez and police Second Sergeant Manuel Jesús Valenzuela were killed by political motivated private citizens who violated their human rights.
      
      On March 30, 1984, Pedro Lorenzo NUÑEZ ENRIQUEZ, 27, a police second corporal, was killed. That night at the corner of Calle Carmen and Avenida Bernardo O'Higgins in Santiago a bomb exploded under a special forces prefecture bus which was taking police back to their headquarters. The bomb was activated by remote control and destroyed the vehicle. Several of the passengers were wounded, including Second Corporal Pedro Núñez, who died a few hours later at the intensive care unit of the Central Emergency Clinic. The autopsy report says that he died of extensive trauma from an explosive device. Evidence examined makes it possible to state that this was an intentional attack on the Chilean Police, and that the circumstances were such that those attacked had no chance to defend themselves. This Commission has come to the conviction that Second Corporal Pedro Núñez was killed by politically motivated private citizens who violated his human rights.
      
      On April 16, 1984, Carlos Enrique MEZA TORRES, 32, an army first sergeant who was assigned to the maintenance and general logistics battalion in the Cerro Navia district, was killed in an attack. Very early that morning, he was guarding the towers holding up the high voltage lines at the Endesa substation in the Cerro Navia district. Seeing suspicious individuals, he approached them and ordered them to stop. They ran away shooting back, and one of the bullets hit Sergeant Meza. He died as he was receiving care at the Central Emergency Clinic in Santiago. The autopsy report concluded that the cause of death was "abdominal and thoracic trauma from perforating bullet wounds." In view of the evidence presented and since the patrol was attacked while it was carrying out its duties, the Commission has come to the conviction that army First Sergeant Carlos Meza was killed by politically motivated private citizens who violated his human rights.
      
      On May 6, 1984, José Isaías ALVAREZ MONDACA, 24, a policeman who was on duty at the western precinct of Santiago, lost his life. At sundown on May 4, when a group of individuals broke into the Baratísimo supermarket in the Pudahuel district intending to take merchandise, an operational group from the western precinct including Alvarez went to the supermarket. As they arrived on the scene they were met with gunfire, and he was gravely wounded. He died two days later at the police hospital of the grave head wounds he had sustained. The death certificate states that the exact cause of death was, "cranial encephalic trauma from bullets." Since it has been established that he was carrying out his duties, this Commission has come to the conviction that police officer José Alvarez died a victim of political violence.
      
      On June 21, 1984, Juan Francisco AVILA GARAY, 32, conductor's assistant at the state railroad company, was killed. A group of about fifteen or twenty members of the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front halted the express train to Linares for purposes of political propaganda. When Avila Garay tried to seize the weapon from one of the attackers, another fatally wounded him. During this action they hung banners, passed out flyers, and read a statement about their organization's anniversary. The same organization carried out a similar action in the city of Valparaíso. The autopsy report concluded that Avila died of thoracic, abdominal, and spinomedular trauma from perforating bullets and acute loss of blood. The evidence presented makes it unquestionably clear that this sneak attack was politically motivated and that Avila was unable to defend himself. The Commission has come to the conviction that Juan Francisco Avila Garay was killed by members of the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front who violated his human rights.
      
      On July 27, 1984, Julio Alberto ALLENDE OVALLE, 24, a Chilean police sublieutenant, was killed. That night Allende, who was in charge of an operational section made up of personnel from the Twenty-sixth station in Pudahuel, went to clear obstacles left by demonstrators at the intersection of Calles Mapocho and Huelén. As he arrived, individuals who had taken positions on a wall shot at him. He was hit by a bullet to the head and died shortly thereafter at the police hospital. The autopsy report said that the cause of death was cranial encephalic trauma from a perforating bullet wound. He was killed after a day of protest or a general strike in Pudahuel. The Commission has come to the conviction that police Sublieutenant Julio Allende was killed by politically motivated private citizens who violated his human rights.
      
      On September 5, 1984, Julio Enrique BRIONES RAYO, 27, an army lieutenant and head of the CNI in the Third Region, was killed. Early in the afternoon as a demonstration was taking place inside the University of Atacama in the city of Copiapó, the rector asked for help from government forces. Police arrived first, followed by soldiers and members of the CNI. Uniformed troops fired many shots. Briones was at the back of the campus, as the CNI itself acknowledged. While there he was hit in the chest region and suffered a mortal wound. He was immediately taken to the emergency ward of the regional hospital and died on the operating table. A university student was also killed. The autopsy report stated that the most probable cause of his death was a "perforating wound to the right arm and acute post-hemorrhage blood loss." The Commission came to the conviction that army Lieutenant Julio Briones was killed in political violence; the shots that killed him may have been from government agents.
      
      On November 2, 1984, a police bus was attacked on Route 68 while it was taking police to cover the Vuelta Ciclística a Chile [national bicycle race]. Four police officers were killed:
      
      Uldaricio ARAVENA SANHUEZA, 43, a police subofficer;
      
      Hugo Armando TOLEDO TREJO, 37, a police first corporal;
      
      Angel Manuel SAZO CASTILLO, 22, a police second corporal; and
      
      Patricio DELGADO VERGARA, 24, a police second corporal.
      
      All belonged to the operational section of the Seventh station of special forces in Valparaíso. While they were on their way to the race, at kilometer 115 on Route 68 at a place called La Planchada, the bus carrying them was attacked with a Vietnamese-type bomb. They were killed instantaneously in the explosion. Since this was a planned sneak attack and these people were utterly defenseless, this Commission has come to the conviction that Subofficer Uldaricio Aravena, First Corporal Hugo Toledo, Second Corporal Angel Manuel Sazo and Second Corporal Patricio Vergara were killed by politically motivated private citizens who violated their human rights.
      
      On November 4, 1984, the Tenth station in La Cistema was attacked, and two policemen were killed: Elvis Manuel ARAVENA CACERES, 21, and José Gustavo ERICES FICA, 26. That night while they were on guard, the police station suddenly came under attack by unknown people who were using automatic weapons and grenades. A grenade explosion wounded Erices and Aravena. They died of their wounds while they were being treated at the Ramón Barros Luco Hospital. The autopsy report on Aravena Cáceres concludes that the cause of death was "thoraco-abdominal trauma from a perforating bullet wound," and that of Erices Fica was "thoraco-pulmonary trauma from a penetrating bullet wound and acute loss of blood." The evidence put forward reveals that the intention was to attack the Chilean Police. The Commission has come to the conviction that Elvis Aravena and José Erices suffered a human rights violation since they were killed in an attack on their lives by politically motivated private citizens.
      
      On November 22, 1984, Hugo Alberto FAUNDEZ HULIN, 29, a first corporal in the Chilean Navy, was killed. That day at about midnight, unknown people shot at him while he was guarding high voltage power lines in the area of Puente Perales in the city of Talcahuano. He died of those wounds shortly thereafter while being treated at the naval hospital. An FAL rifle was found at the site. Presumably it had been used by the attacker who dropped it as he was running away wounded when other troops on guard duty responded to the attack. The cause of death according to the autopsy report was a "contused heart wound caused by the fracture of the sternum inflicted by two gunshot wounds." Since it is established that the attack took place while the subofficer was carrying out his responsibilities, and since it can reasonably be assumed that the perpetrators were politically motivated, the Commission has come to the conviction that the killing of navy First Corporal Hugo Faúndez was a human rights violation.
      
      On December 6, 1984, Jose Guillermo HERRERA SERRANO, 26, a police first corporal who was assigned to the Santa Adriana police station, was killed. Corporal Herrera was spending the night at the barracks when heavily armed individuals attacked the building. Those on duty repelled the attack. This subofficer was hit by bullets, and he died of those wounds when he was taken to the Barros Luco Hospital. Other police officers were also wounded. The autopsy report concludes that the cause of death was "thoracic, dorsal, spinomedular, abdominal, and right arm traumas from bullets." The evidence examined makes it possible to state that the attack was directed at the Chilean Police. The pattern of similar events leads to the presumption that this attack was part of a planned series of attacks. The Commission came to the conviction that police First Corporal José Herrera died a victim of a human rights violation, since he was killed in an attack carried out by politically motivated private citizens.
      
      On March 26, 1985, René Osvaldo LARA ARRIAGADA, 32, a navy second sergeant, and Alejandro del Carmen AVENDAÑO SANCHEZ, 41, an army subofficer, were killed by a bomb explosion in Concepción. Programming on National Television was interrupted that evening with political statements broadcast by the underground Radio Liberación. The broadcast was found to be coming from a hotel in the city, and the radio equipment was found there. As police and security agents were examining it, a bomb went off and instantly killed Avendaño and gravely wounded Lara, who died a few hours later at the regional hospital in Concepción. Two other subofficers and a police officer were also wounded. The autopsies on both of them concluded that the precise cause of death was the extensive damage done by the bomb. Since it has been established that they were carrying out their duties, and that the action was clearly politically motivated, the Commission has come to the conviction that the killing of navy Second Sergeant René Lara and army Subofficer Alejandro Avendaño were human rights violations, inasmuch as they were killed by an explosion set off by politically motivated private citizens.
      
      On April 19, 1985, Alberto Arturo NEUMAN ADRIAZOLA, 43, a police first corporal who was assigned to the Second station in Temuco, was killed. Early that morning as he was heading toward the prison cells, a prisoner who belonged to the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front shot him by surprise inflicting fatal wounds. He died moments later. The perpetrator was killed by a guard who repelled the attack. The death certificate says that the cause of death was a "bullet wound from the back of the neck through the face that perforated the rachidian canal." The evidence presented makes it possible to declare that he was carrying out his duties at a police installation, that he was shot by surprise and had no chance to defend himself, and that the perpetrator was active in the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front. Hence the Commission came to the conviction that the human rights of police First Corporal Alberto Neuman were violated since he was killed in an attack on his life by a politically motivated private citizen.
      
      On May 25, 1985, Jessica Alejandra TOBAR MARTINEZ, 21, who did housework, died. On May 12 a bomb went off while she was in the Conchalí municipal building to arrange a time for getting married. Word of the bomb had been received in a telephone call, but it went off as the building was being evacuated. Tobar was gravely wounded and died at the José Joaquín Aguirre Hospital several days later. Since she died of the injuries she sustained in a bomb explosion, and since the bomb was placed in a crowded public place, this Commission has come to the conviction that Jessica Alejandra Tobar's right to life was violated by a terrorist act carried out by politically motivated private citizens.
      
      On July 16, 1985, Raúl Antonio ORELLANA GUTIERREZ, 35, a police second corporal, was killed. That afternoon while Corporal Orellana was guarding the Ministry of Education, an air force officer ordered him to stop two individuals who were suspected of having put a smoke bomb in the chassis of a stolen van and left it at the corner of Calles Amunátegui and Bernardo O'Higgins. The corporal pursued them as they were escaping toward Plaza Bulnes. He was shot three times and fatally wounded. Witnesses observed these events. The autopsy report states that the cause of death was cranio-encephalic and thoraco-abodominal traumas from perforating bullet wounds. Since he was carrying out his duties, and it is reasonable to presume that the action was politically motivated, this Commission came to the conviction that Second Corporal Raúl Orellana's human rights were violated by politically motivated private citizens.
      
      On July 19, 1985, Mario Sergio PEREZ CORREA, 48, a masseuse, was killed by a bomb explosion. Pérez Correa who worked at the thoracic hospital was driving home along Calle Merced. A car bomb was set off outside the United States consulate as he was driving by a few yards away. The bomb was inside a Volkswagen parked in front of the consulate. Pérez was killed instantly, due to "cranial, encephalic, and thoracic traumas from an explosion and partial burning of flesh." That same day there were two other similar attacks nearby. A member of the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front claimed credit for them by telephone. Bearing in mind these facts, the Commission came to the conviction that the human rights of Mario Pérez were violated insofar as he died as the result of an act of terrorism carried out by members of the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front.
      
      On August 13, 1985, César Omar CHESTA MOUSSET, 26, a navy second lieutenant, was killed. A group of specialists including this officer went to deactivate a bomb along the Peñablanca railroad line about 20 kilometers from Viña del Mar. As they were doing so, the bomb went off. Lieutenant Chesta was wounded and died on the way to the hospital in Quilpué. Other navy personnel were also injured. The autopsy report concluded that the cause of death was "multiple trauma including fracture at the base of the skull and cerebral contusion, damage to the chest with pulmonary contusion, and both hands amputated caused by an explosion at close range of some kind of explosive device." There was a series of bomb explosions that same day in Peñablanca and at the Valencia station in Quilpué. The evidence provided makes it possible to state that this officer was carrying out his assigned duties, and likewise it is reasonable to assume that these explosions were politically motivated. The Commission came to the conviction that Second Lieutenant César Chesta was a victim of a human rights violation, since he died while carrying out his duty in deactivating a bomb placed by politically motivated private citizens.
      
      On October 26, 1985, Hugo Luis LAGOS EYZAGUIRRE, 32, a detective in the Chilean Investigative Police who was assigned to the Fifteenth Judicial station of the investigative police, was killed. That day at 7:45 p.m. he was patrolling along Avenida José Joaquín Prieto in Santiago when he asked an individual for his identification. Pretending to reach for his documents, the man took out a gun and shot Lagos point blank, killing him on the spot. Since he was carrying out his duties, and since other evidence examined makes it possible to state that the perpetrator was a member of the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front, this Commission came to the conviction that the detective Hugo Lagos was killed by a member of the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front who violated his human rights.
      
      On November 11, 1985, Santiago Armando TRINCADO ROJAS, 32, a police second corporal, was killed. That day at approximately 10:00 p.m., as he was on Calle Roberto del Río in the Providencia district standing guard at the houses of high ranking police officers, two individuals attacked him and shot him at close range. He died on the spot. The perpetrators removed his police weapon and fled in a waiting pickup truck. A fellow guard was also wounded. Since it was a surprise attack leaving him no chance to defend himself, and since the perpetrators took his police weapon, the Commission came to the conviction that Second Corporal Santiago Trincado's right to life was violated by politically motivated private citizens.
      
      On November 13, 1985, Manuel Nibaldo GONZALEZ GONZALEZ, 34, a police first corporal and an explosives expert who was assigned to the CNI in Valparaíso, was killed. That day he was patrolling the Reñaca Alto area in Viña del Mar. Around midnight a group of unidentified individuals threw a bomb at his car. He died while receiving medical attention at the naval hospital in Valparaíso. That same day there was a series of other explosions in the city that alarmed the population. Since he was carrying out his proper responsibilities of guarding public order in that area and since a series of explosions was set off that same day, this Commission has come to the conviction that the fundamental rights of First Corporal Manuel González were violated by politically motivated private citizens.
      
      On December 6, 1985, Patricio Hilario RODRIGUEZ NUÑEZ, 26, a policeman who was assigned to the special forces prefecture, was killed. At about 11:00 p.m. that day he was walking along Calle Sótero del Río in the La Florida district of Santiago going toward the Thirty-sixth police station to deliver some official documents. At that moment, a group of unknown armed persons attacked him, and he was hit by six bullets and died on the spot. The attackers painted slogans on the wall and stole his gun. The autopsy report stated that he died of six bullet wounds. Since the manner in which he was killed made it impossible for this policeman to defend himself, and since the perpetrators took his weapon and painted slogans on the walls, this Commission has come to the conviction that the killing of Patricio Rodríguez was a human rights violation committed by politically motivated private citizens.
      
      On February 11, 1986, Luis Hernán RIVAL VALDES, 41, a police second sergeant who was assigned to the special forces prefecture, was killed. At about 8:00 a.m. February 5, at the intersection of Calles Eyzaguirre and Santa Rosa in the district of Santiago a bomb explosion hit the police bus in which he was riding. He suffered damage to his head and neck from which he died. Sixteen other police officers were also injured. The evidence examined makes it possible to conclude that:
      
      
      • An action like this can only be understood as an attempt to create a public disturbance;
        
        
      • Judging from the way it was carried out, it can be concluded that its perpetrators believed that violence is a way to attain political objectives;
        
        
      • The police officers were completely defenseless, and the perpetrators were acting at little risk.
        
        
      In view of the evidence this commission holds the conviction that Second Sergeant Luis Rival died a victim of the violation of his fundamental rights committed by politically motivated private citizens.
      
      On February 26, 1986, Alfonso Mauricio RIVERA LOPEZ, 30, a police lieutenant who was assigned to the Tenth station in La Cisterna, was killed. At about 9:30 p.m., the operational group of the Tenth station under his command was trying to break up a demonstration at the corner of Avenida Central and Las Industrias in the San Miguel district. The police were attacked as they were withdrawing. The lieutenant received a bullet wound in the clavicle and died while being taken to the police hospital. The evidence gathered leads to the conclusion that:
      
      
      • He was killed while protecting public order and in a situation of anti-government political demonstrations; and
        
        
      • The fact that the shot was fired while he was leaving the area suggests that the purpose was to kill a policeman without allowing him any chance to defend himself.
        
        
      The existing evidence allows this Commission to come to the conviction that the killing of Lieutenant Alfonso Rivera was a violation of his human rights committed by politically motivated private citizens.
      
      On April 2, 1986, Simón YEVENES YEVENES, 42, who worked as a merchant and was a neighborhood leader of the Independent Democratic Union (UDI) in San Joaquín, was killed. At about 8:00 p.m. he was in his store on Villa Brasil in Santiago when an individual came in and shot him at close range with an automatic weapon. He was wounded in the head and neck and was killed on the spot. Another armed individual stood outside to guard the location. This information has come from statements by witnesses and from newspaper reports. In the judicial process it was established that the perpetrators belonged to the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front, because the weapons used were the same as those subsequently used in an attack on the Lautaro bakery. People have been brought to justice for these actions. The Commission came to the conviction that Simón Yévenes was killed in a violation of his human rights committed by members of the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front who were politically motivated.
      
      On April 28, 1986, Miguel Antonio VASQUEZ TOBAR, 21, a policeman, was killed. He was assigned to the Lo Lillo substation. At about 8:00 a.m. that day in the La Cisterna district in Santiago members of the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front (FPMR) attacked the Lautaro bakery. The police were alerted and came to the scene. Officer Vásquez Tobar was hit by a bullet as he was getting out of the car and was killed instantly. Two of his fellow police were also injured, and one of the attackers from the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front was killed. The evidence examined makes it clear that
      
      
      • This police officer was carrying out his duties when this occurred; and
        
        
      • Given the organization to which the attackers belonged and what they were trying to do, the action obviously had a political content.
        
        
      The foregoing has enabled this Commission to come to the conviction that police officer Miguel Vásquez died of a human rights violation committed by activists of the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front in a politically motivated action.
      
      On July 16, 1986, Jorge Sergio CAMPOS FARDILLA, 50, the sales manager at the Carozzi company, was killed. At about 7:00 a.m. that day, as he was riding the metro to work a bomb left in one of the cars by unknown persons went off. Campos Fardilla died of the injuries he sustained. It has not been possible to identify who was responsible for the explosion nor to determine whether they belonged to some movement of this nature. Six other people were injured in the same incident. Since the deed can be regarded as a terrorist act inasmuch as it was intended to bring about human loss and create public disturbance, the Commission has judged that Jorge Campos was killed in a violation of his fundamental rights committed by politically motivated private citizens whom it has not been possible to identify.
      
      On August 29, 1986, Francisco Ramiro GUZMAN MUÑOZ, 45, a bus driver on the Santiago-Puente Alto route, was killed. At about 10:00 p.m. that day in the city of Puente Alto, a group of people attacked the bus he was driving, and threw gasoline on it to set it on fire. He tried to stop them, and so they shot and killed him on the spot. Two passengers were also wounded. The attackers fled without achieving their objective. Since movements whose political objective was to create disturbance and public alarm were frequently committing actions like this and since Guzmán tried to prevent them from burning the bus which was his only source of work, the Commission has come to the conviction that the human rights of Francisco Guzmán were violated and that he was killed in a terrorist action committed by politically motivated private citizens.
      
      On September 7, 1986, the following were killed at Cajón del Maipo:
      
      Roberto Segundo ROSALES MARTINEZ, 25, an army second corporal who belonged to the infantry;
      
      Miguel Angel GUERRERO GUZMAN, 29, an army first corporal who belonged to the infantry;
      
      Cardenio HERNANDEZ CUBILLOS, 32, an army first corporal who worked as a driver in the transportation service;
      
      Gerardo REBOLLEDO CISTERNAS, 31, an army first corporal who belonged to the infantry; and
      
      Pablo Arturo SILVA PIZARRO, 31, a police second corporal who was part of the president's bodyguard.
      
      That day General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte, the president of the republic and commander-in-chief of the army, was in a motorcade returning to Santiago from his mansion in El Melocotón, Cajón del Maipo. An armed group attacked the motorcade in the area of the Las Achuapallas upgrade. Evidence presented to this Commission and the proofs registered in the criminal case, indicate that the perpetrators of this terrorist attack were members of the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front. In their ambush they used cars to cut off the presidential motorcade in both directions and opened fire with automatic weapons, hand grenades, and LOW rockets. The result was that the five troops listed above were fatally wounded in various ways. The evidence examined by the Commission makes it possible to conclude that:
      
      
      • The action was planned and executed by members of the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front, as its leaders themselves have acknowledged;
        
        
      • With this act of terrorism they hoped to have a political impact and to create a public disturbance and of course to kill the head of state and commander-in-chief of the army;
        
        
      • This was a sneak attack that allowed these men no chance to defend themselves. Hence the Commission holds the conviction that the deaths of Second Corporal Cardenio Cubillos, First Corporal Miguel Guerrero, First Corporal Gerardo Rebolledo, Second Corporal Roberto Rosales, and Second Corporal Pablo Silva was the work of Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front activists who were politically motivated, and it was a grave violation of their human rights.
        
        
      On October 13, 1986, Fernando Iván PARRA ROLDAN, 27, a commission salesman in a private company, was killed. At about 9:00 that day as he was inside the Cosmocentro Apumanque in Santiago a bomb went off, and he was killed of thoracic and abdominal traumas. Three other persons were also killed. Witnesses have testified that he was in the building carrying out work obligations. It has not been possible to identify the perpetrators or to what group they might have belonged. This Commission regards Parra as having been killed by a bomb explosion in a shopping center frequented by many people, and hence this can be presumed to have been a terrorist action carried out by some movement that regarded the use of violence for political objectives as legitimate. Hence this Commission has been able to come to the conviction that the death of Fernando Parra was a human rights violation by means of an act of terrorism carried out by politically motivated private citizens.
      
      On November 18, 1986, Angel CONTRERAS GARAY, 36, who worked selling coffee on a street corner, was killed. The Commission holds evidence enabling it to conclude that on that day unknown people threw a bomb at the San Ramon branch of the Banco del Estado in Santiago. It did not go off immediately but was only emitting smoke. Contreras accordingly stepped in front of the group of people in order to protect them, and he absorbed the impact himself. As a result he suffered cervical and abdominal traumas which caused his death, according to the death certificate. The owner of a public bus company was also injured. It has not been possible to identify the perpetrators or to what group they might have belonged. The Commission came to the conviction that Miguel Angel Contreras died a victim of a violation of his right to life as the result of an act of terrorism committed by politically motivated private citizens.
      
      On November 28, 1986, Jaime Luis SAEZ NEIRA, 31, a police lieutenant who was in command of the Santa Rosa police headquarters in Chena, was killed. The Commission holds evidence enabling it to conclude that at about 9:30 a.m. that day, on the rural road to Santa Cruz in Padre Hurtado as he was directing a group that was checking passing cars, he stopped a taxi carrying a group of individuals who had just robbed a branch bank in Peñaflor. The passengers immediately opened fire at the police, and Jaime Sáez was hit twice and died as he was being taken for treatment. Evidence furnished to the Commission made it possible to determine that the perpetrators were MIR activists. Two of the attackers were killed in this clash. Another police officer was gravely injured. With the evidence it has in hand the Commission concluded that it could come to the conviction that the human rights of police Lieutenant Jaime Sáez were violated by MIR members who were politically motivated.
      
      On December 29, 1986, Rosa RIVERA FIERRO, 37, a domestic servant, died. On November 5, at 9:40 p.m., she was travelling on a bus in Viña del Mar when a group of hooded subversives attacked and threw firebombs into it. Rosa Rivera suffered burns on thirty percent of her body. The burns led to her death on December 29. She was pregnant when the bus was attacked. Two other people were also injured less seriously. The Commission came to the conviction that Rosa Rivera Fierro's human rights were violated in an act of terrorism committed by politically motivated private citizens.
      
      On March 6, 1987, Eduardo Harold TAMAYO MEDINA, 21, a police sublieutenant who was assigned to the First police station in Concepción, was killed. At about 9:00 a.m. the police received a telephone call advising that a MIR banner had been put up in the Laguna Redonda area in Concepción. Tamayo went there and removed the flag and other things that had been left near it. A bomb placed in the area went off. The explosion gravely injured him, and he died while being treated at the regional hospital clinic. The police officer with him was also wounded, but only moderately. The evidence examined makes it possible to conclude that:
      
      
      • The purpose of placing the bomb was to kill those who might try to remove it
        
        
      • This was an act of terrorism intended to cause disturbance and public alarm;
        
        
      • The police were carrying out their proper duties, and their action prevented other people from suffering the consequences of a bomb explosion; and
        
        
      • MIR activists were responsible for these actions.
        
        
      Existing evidence has enabled this Commission to come to the conviction that Eduardo Harold Tamayo died as the result of a human rights violation committed by MIR members.
      
      On April 13, 1987, José Eduardo CORTES VASQUEZ, 34, a guard in the investigative police who was in the process of retiring, was killed. When these events took place he was selling lamps. That night members of the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front (FPMR) occupied a number of radio stations and an international news agency in various parts of the country. Three members of that subversive organization tried to transmit a manifesto over Radio Tropicana located on Pasaje Lima in the Huamachuco No. 2 shantytown in the district of Renca. The owners resisted, the FPMR members withdrew without completing their mission. As they were doing so they ran into Cortés, who heard the woman who owned the station shouting for help and tried to stop them. They reacted by shooting him in the chest, as indicated on the autopsy.
      
      The Commission took the following facts into consideration:
      
      
      • He was killed as he was trying to help a person whose radio station was being attacked, as witnesses have testified; and
        
        
      • The evidence makes it possible to state that the action was carried out by activists of the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front (FPMR), as was reported in the media.
        
        
      On these grounds, the Commission came to the conviction that the human rights of Jorge Cortés were violated by members of the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front.
      
      On August 3, 1987, Jesús RODRIGUEZ MUÑOZ, 26, a detective who was assigned to the Fourteenth station of the investigative police in La Cisterna was killed. That day Detective Rodríguez Muñoz was engaged in a preventive patrol near the corner of Avenida Las Industrias and Departamental, in the La Cisterna district. He had been called there to investigate a gas station robbery. When he and two other detectives arrived in the patrol car they tried to question three suspects, who shot at them with automatic weapons and left Rodríguez gravely wounded. He died shortly afterwards at the Barros Luco Hospital, as indicated on the death certificate. On the basis of the evidence examined, the Commission concluded that:
      
      
      • He was carrying out his assigned duties when this occurred;
        
        
      • Those who shot him belonged to the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front (FPMR).
        
        
      The Commission came to the conviction that the human rights of Detective Jesus Rodríguez were violated by members of the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front (FPMR).
      
      On September 11, 1987, an explosion damaged a police truck, and two police were killed. Their names are:
      
      Ramón Ignacio BAHAMONDES ELGUETA, 28, a second corporal who was driving the truck and who was also assigned to the second shift of radio patrol cars in the area of the Twelfth station in San Miguel; and
      
      Mario MARTINEZ VARGAS, 48, a first sergeant who was leading the patrol and was assigned to the third shift of radio patrol cars in the area of the Twelfth station in San Miguel.
      
      That night police van number Z-404 was on its way to take care of a police matter. Many incidents connected to the anniversary of September 11, 1973 were taking place that day, especially in the southern area of Santiago. In that overall context, a bomb placed by subversives blew up the police vehicle. According to the autopsy report, Sergeant Martínez died of multiple damage to the head and neck as he was being taken to the police hospital. Corporal Bahamondes died a few minutes later in the hospital. Evidence examined indicates that:
      
      
      • The police officers killed were carrying out their proper duties; and
        
        
      • The action had a clear political significance both because it happened on a day when similar things were happening elsewhere, and because it was a planned attack on members of the police.
        
        
      After evaluating the evidence the Commission has come to the conviction that police Second Corporal Ramín Bahamondes and First Sergeant Mario Martínez were victims of a human rights violation carried out by politically motivated private citizens. This Commission could not obtain evidence that would have enabled it to identify the group responsible.
      
      On January 20, 1988, Berta Rosa PARDO MUÑOZ, 65, who was living off a navy pension, was killed when an explosive device went off in Valparaíso. The Commission holds evidence indicating that on that afternoon she was waiting for treatment in the waiting room of the medical center for members of the armed forces and their dependents. At that moment a bomb placed under a chair by unknown subversives blew up and killed her instantly. The cause of death was damage to the abdomen and lower extremities, as indicated on the death certificate. The Commission came to the conviction that the human rights of Berta Pardo were violated in an act of terrorism by politically motivated private citizens.
      
      On January 26, 1988, in the La Cisterna district, Julio Eladio BENIMELLI RUZ, 42, a police major who was head of the police special operations group, was killed by an explosive device. Major Julio Benimelli and other police officers went to a house in the area of La Cisterna to respond to a complaint by the owners that there were explosives inside. While he and the other officers and the owners were inside, a combination of approximately seven explosive devices went off in the house. Major Benimelli died as a result of multiple injuries sustained in the explosions as the autopsy report indicates. The evidence gathered reveals that:
      
      
      • The kind of attack and the use of explosives against government forces can only be explained as the work of an armed group intent on having a political impact;
        
        
      • An armed group in opposition to the military government justified the action as an execution of Benemelli. The Commission was unable to confirm this account, and hence it did not come to a conviction about the identity of the perpetrators.
        
        
      The Commission came to the conviction that the fundamental rights of Major Julio Benimelli were violated by politically motivated private citizens.
      
      On April 12, 1988, Samuel Esteban LOPEZ CONTRERAS, 23, who was assigned to the Seventh police station in Renca, was deliberately killed in that district. That morning Samuel López was standing guard with another policeman at a piece of land that had been occupied at the corner of General Velásquez and Arturo Prat in the Renca district. A short woman came along and drew near to the police. Two men approached from another corner of the property. The woman suddenly drew a pistol from her purse and ordered the other two to fire. They did so and caught the police by surprise. Witnesses say the police had been talking with two children and when the shooting began they sought to take cover and shoot back. Officer López tried to protect the children, but he was hit by a bullet and fell to the ground, as one of the children later told the newspaper. The other officer managed to find cover, and fire back, but he was also wounded. The armed group finally fled in a stolen taxi. Lopez died at the J.J. Aguirre Hospital of the five bullet wounds he received, according to the autopsy report. Hence, this Commission has come to the conviction that the human rights of police officer Samuel López were violated in an act of terrorism carried out by politically motivated subversives.
      
      On April 29, 1988, Juan de Dios HORMAZABAL NUÑEZ, 40, a police second sergeant who was assigned to the Thirtieth station (radio patrols), was attacked and killed in the Renca district. That morning he was in command of a patrol that was examining the documents of people suspected of having been involved in setting a bus on fire and causing other damage to public transportation, according to the newspapers. As he was searching two men, one drew a pistol from a bag he was carrying and shot him in the chest. Other members of the patrol shot back, but the two men managed to escape. Sergeant Hormazábal died on the spot of bullet damage to the chest, as the autopsy report indicates. The evidence gathered indicates that his death was connected to events that same morning, namely the burning of the bus which was probably politically motivated. Hence those who shot this police officer were presumably involved in that action and were operating for the same reasons. Therefore, the Commission has come to the conviction that the human rights of Second Sergeant Juan Hormazábal were violated by politically motivated private citizens.
      
      On May 5, 1988, Armando CRUZ OLIVARES, 40, a navy first sergeant who was assigned to the CNI, was killed in the city of Viña del Mar. That afternoon he joined a CNI operational group. He and two colleagues had the mission of following a suspect. As he was doing so, the suspect turned around and fired a sawed-off shotgun and killed him. Sergeant Cruz died of his wounds as he was being operated upon at the Reñaca Clinic, in Viña del Mar, according to a navy report. This Commission came to the conviction that the human rights of navy First Sergeant Armando Cruz were violated by a politically motivated private citizen.
      
      On May 20, 1988, Carlos Arturo GONZALEZ VALENZUELA, 31, police second sergeant, and a musician in the national police chorus, was killed in an attack in the area around the central railroad station. Second Sergeant González was waiting for a bus at the bus stop on Avenida Pedro Aguirre Cerda at the Calle General Velásquez underpass when two men approached. One of them came up from behind and shot him in the head. The other finished him off, as eyewitnesses told the media. They then took his cap and his weapon and ran away on foot. In the attack he was shot six times, twice in the head, twice in the lower torso, and twice in the back, as the autopsy report indicates. He died on the spot. Evidence examined by the Commission indicates that:
      
      
      • The features of this action fit the typical patterns of politically motivated armed groups. The cold manner in which they operated and the victim they chose is further proof. The Commission also noted that on that same day another police officer was killed under very similar circumstances, and hence it can be presumed that this was a joint action whose purpose was to create public disturbance and also to seize a weapon.
        
        
      • González had no reasonable chance to defend himself.
        
        
      This Commission came to the conviction that the human rights of Second Sergeant Carlos González were violated by politically motivated private citizens, but it cannot specify the group to which they belonged.
      
      Also on May 20, Jaime Orlando SANDOVAL MENDOZA, 27, a police second corporal who was assigned to the Twenty-sixth station in Lo Prado, was killed at night at bus stop No. 36 on Avenida Vicuña Mackenna. At around 10:00 p.m., Second Corporal Sandoval Mendoza was off duty but in uniform and travelling in the back of a bus on the Santiago-Puente Alto route. When the bus arrived at the Plaza de Armas in Puente Alto, two young men, who according to the newspapers were carrying backpacks and were also on the bus, shot him six times. They immediately took his gun and ran away. As he was being taken to the Sótero del Río Hospital on the same bus, Sandoval died of his bullet wounds, as was established in the autopsy report. The kind of attack, the cold manner of execution characteristic of the operations of politically motivated armed subversive groups, and the fact that it coincided with another such attack that morning makes it possible to assume that the action was politically motivated; likewise González had no reasonable chance to defend himself, since his attackers took him by surprise and at little risk to themselves. Hence this Commission came to the conviction that the human rights of police Second Corporal Jaime Sandoval were violated by politically motivated private citizens.
      
      On June 7, 1988, Miguel Eduardo ROJAS LOBOS, 43, an army lieutenant colonel who was in the process of retiring and was working as finance manager at the Plansa factory, was attacked and killed in the San Joaquín district. He was in his car driving away from the factory, which is located at Avenida Carlos Valdovinos No. 473, when a man approached and shot him with a sawed-off shotgun and then fled in a stolen taxi, as several eyewitnesses told the press. He died of damage to the chest and acute loss of blood from bullet wounds as he was being taken to the police hospital, as the autopsy report indicates. The Commission took into account that:
      
      
      • The attack had a clear political meaning, particularly because the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front (FPMR) claimed to have committed it and justified it as an "execution";
        
        
      • He had no chance to defend himself since it was a surprise attack.
        
        
      On these grounds the Commission has come to the conviction that the human rights of Miguel Rojas were violated by members of the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front.
      
      On October 21, 1988, Juvenal VARGAS SEPULVEDA, 34, a police second corporal who was part of the crew at the Los Queñes checkpoint in the province of Curicó, was killed when his unit was attacked. That night members of the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front (FPMR) attacked the Los Queñes checkpoint, in the Romeral district of Curicó. A woman who observed the events said that Vargas was at home when he heard the shooting. He went outside and was killed immediately in the exchange of fire as he was trying to repel the attack. After they set the police building on fire, the armed group conducted propaganda actions, as witnesses later told the press. Vargas died of his wounds shortly thereafter. The cause of death was acute loss of blood caused by an abdominal wound with complications, as stated in the death certificate. The evidence examined indicates that:
      
      
      • The attack on the checkpoint was an operation of the FPMR aimed at creating a public disturbance and displaying military capacity vis-á-vis the government at that time. The front's claim to have carried out this action was issued publicly and was not denied. The Commission has evidence on the identity of the group members since they were later captured and their responsibility could be confirmed;
        
        
      • The attack was by surprise with the advantages of superior numbers and the cover of night; Vargas had no reasonable possibility of escaping alive.
        
        
      The Commission came to the conviction that the human rights of police Second Corporal Juvenal Vargas were violated by members of the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front.
      
      On January 5, 1989, Claudia Marcela ALBORNOZ MUQUILLAZA, 20, a housewife, died. On December 14 of the previous year, she was travelling on a bus with her husband and a little daughter. According to eyewitnesses, as they were passing Quilpué, smoke began to pour out of one of the back seats, and in a few seconds an incendiary bomb went off. The door was jammed, and the passengers tried to escape through the windows. Claudia Albornoz was stuck in one of them, and she received second and third degree bums on her extremities and part of her torso. She was taken to a hospital in Viña del Mar and then to the Central Emergency Clinic in Santiago where she died after three weeks of treatment failed to save her. Since placing a fire bomb in a bus can be regarded as an act of terrorism whose explanation can be found in a context in which similar actions were being employed for political conflict, the Commission came to the conviction that the human rights of Claudia Albornoz were violated in an act of terrorism carried out by politically motivated private citizens.
      
      On February 8, 1989, two police officers were killed in an attack which took place in the Quilicura district. Their names are:
      
      José Luis PIZZOLEO CANALES, 27, a lieutenant who was in command at the Quilicura station;
      
      Leonardo Antonio MARILLANCA GARATE, 29, a second corporal at that same station.
      
      That morning Lieutenant Pizzoleo and Corporal Marillanca were patrolling in a police jeep on Calle Carampangue in the Quilicura district. When they went to check three people whom they thought looked suspicious they suddenly came under fire from a fourth person who was hidden. The other three also opened fire. They took away the officer's weapon and Corporal Marillanca's Uzi machine gun. Lieutenant Pizzoleo died of cranial, encephalic, thoracic, abdominal, and pelvic trauma from bullets, as stated on his death certificate. Corporal Marillanca died of facial, thoracic, and lumbar trauma, as his death certificate states. Evidence examined reveals that:
      
      
      • The type of action displayed by the attacking group is the kind typical of armed subversive groups who had political aims. In this connection the level of daring and coordination the attackers demonstrated is significant, as well as the fact that they took the police officers' weapons.
        
        
      • This attack was by surprise and while the officers were legitimately on patrol.
        
        
      The Commission came to the conviction that the human rights of Lieutenant José Pizzoleo and Second Corporal Leonardo Marillanca were violated by politically motivated private citizens.
      
      On April 11, 1989, Juan Carlos AMAR ITURRIETA, 24, a sublieutenant who was the head of the Talca prefecture civilian commission, was attacked and killed in the city of Talca. That morning Sublieutenant Amar and two other police officers entered a video game parlor to check it. When they questioned two men-who according to evidence gathered by the Commission turned out to be members of the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front-one of them drew out a weapon and fired at the three police. Two of them were gravely wounded, and Sublieutenant Amar died of a thoracic and abdominal bullet wound, as his death certificate indicates. The Commission took into consideration that:
      
      
      • This police officer was engaged in legitimate work of guarding public order;
        
        
      • The person who shot him belonged to the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front (FPMR).
        
        
      On these grounds it came to the conviction that the human rights of Sublieutenant Juan Carlos Amar Iturrieta were violated by a member of the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front.
      
      On May 18, 1989, Julio Edmundo PAVEZ ORTIZ, 34, a police second corporal who was assigned to the Thirteenth station, was attacked and killed in the La Granja district in Santiago. That day Second Corporal Pérez was walking along Calle Central toward the La Astrina police station. At that point three youths and a woman who belonged to the Lautaro Popular Rebel Forces came out from behind a street stall and opened fire on the police. Taken by surprise they were unable to fire back, and they fell dead. Their attackers took their weapons and ran away, as eyewitnesses later told the press. In the attack Corporal Pávez was hit by two bullets to the chest, as noted in the autopsy, and he died at the police hospital shortly thereafter. The evidence examined reveals that:
      
      
      • The police were attacked by surprise and could not defend themselves, and there was no reason for attempting to kill them; and
        
        
      • This attack was similar to others carried out against government forces, and especially police, in order to seize weaponry. Hence the attack can be presumed to have been politically motivated. Moreover, the group mentioned above claimed credit for it in the newspaper.
        
        
      The Commission came to the conviction that the human rights of Second Corporal Julio Pavez were violated by a group that belonged to the Lautaro Popular Rebel Forces.
      
      On June 9, 1989, Roberto FUENTES MORRISON, 50, retired squadron commander of the Chilean Air Force and a former member of the Joint Command, was attacked and killed outside his home in the Ñuñoa district. At about 9 a.m. that day, he left his house in Villa Frei in Ñuñoa. He was ambushed by two members of the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front. One of them was hidden among some bushes and the other was on the second floor of the building in which he lived. Both opened fire with automatic weapons and shot him down immediately. The killers fled the scene along with other members of their armed group who had been providing cover. Fuentes was hit by fourteen bullets and died instantly. Examining the evidence, the Commission concluded that:
      
      
      • The attack was carried out by the FPMR on the grounds that it was an "execution," thus placing it within a logic of violent political struggle. The FPMR's involvement has been acknowledged publicly and to the Commission;
        
        
      • It was a sneak attack, and Fuentes had no real opportunity to defend himself.
        
        
      With the evidence it was able to gather, the Commission came to the conviction that the human rights of Roberto Fuentes Morrison were violated by members of the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front.
      
      On July 6, 1989, Carlos Jesús LAMOZA ARCE, 36, a police first corporal who was assigned to the department of drug control and criminal surveillance (OS-7), was attacked and killed in the district of Santiago. That afternoon he was off duty and in ordinary clothes at a store on Calle San Diego. Suddenly a group-presumably members of the Lautaro group-came rushing in intending to rob it. When Lamoza tried to stop them, a member of the group shot him. He was hit by five bullets, according to the autopsy report, and died on the spot. The Commission took into consideration that:
      
      
      • He legitimately tried to prevent the armed group from stealing money;
        
        
      • The evidence leads to the presumption that the action was politically motivated.
        
        
      On those grounds, the Commission came to the conviction that the fundamental rights of police First Corporal Carlos Jesús Lamoza Arce were violated by politically motivated private citizens, presumably members of the Lautaro group.
      
      On July 10, 1989, Patricio Ruben CANIHUANTE ASTUDILLO, 26, a police second corporal who was assigned to the radio and traffic substation of the First station in Viña del Mar, was attacked and killed in that city. He was on duty outside a building in Viña del Mar where officers and subofficers of the prefecture lived. As he was heading into the building, two armed people attacked him and shot him in the head, as indicated on his death certificate, and he died shortly thereafter. In view of the evidence, the Commission concluded that:
      
      
      • He was carrying out police duties at that moment;
        
        
      • He was taken by surprise and given no real chance to defend himself, and the attack had the typical features of an execution;
        
        
      • The fact that the attack was against the police as such leads to the presumption that the motive was political.
        
        
      This Commission came to the conviction that the human rights of Second Corporal Patricio Rubén Canihuante were violated by politically motivated private citizens.
      
      On July 21, 1989, two police from the Sixth station in Santiago were killed. Their names are:
      
      Jaime Dionésimo PARRA AGUAYO, 26, a second corporal; and
      
      Ramón Adolfo SALAS SANHUEZA, 22, a policeman.
      
      That morning Second Corporal Parra and officer Salas were standing guard between two banks. While they were doing so, an armed commando unit got out of a car and began firing at the police with automatic weapons. The police fell wounded. A commando member came up to them and finished them off on the ground, and then took away their weapons, their walkie-talkies, and their hats. Second Corporal Parra was hit by seven bullets, according to his autopsy report, and officer Salas was hit six times. Both died as they were being taken to a hospital. The police have said that the perpetrators belonged to the Lautaro Popular and Rebel forces. The press said that the Lautaro Youth Movement was responsible. The Commission took into consideration that:
      
      
      • These police were engaged in a legitimate function of maintaining public order;
        
        
      • They were attacked by surprise and had no real chance to defend themselves;
        
        
      • A political motivation can be deduced from the attack itself.
        
        
      On these grounds the Commission came to the conviction that the human rights of police Second Corporal Jaime Parra and officer Ramón Salas were violated by an armed group, presumably the Lautaro Youth Movement.
      
      On August 20,1989, Julio Roberto ZEGERS REED, 26, an army lieutenant who was assigned to the army aviation command, was killed in an attack on the airfield at Tobalaba in Santiago. At around midnight on August 20, Lieutenant Zegers and another soldier were patrolling the installations of the army aviation command. While they were doing so, they caught a group from the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front (FPMR) trying to break into military property. One of them shot the officer. The enlisted man with him fired back and killed the person who had shot Zegers. Lieutenant Zegers was hit by six bullets and died on the spot, according to the autopsy report. The evidence gathered indicates that:
      
      
      • This officer was legitimately engaged in patrolling a military base, and he was killed while trying to defend the installations;
        
        
      • Several sources provide proof that the FPMR was responsible. The action itself had the characteristics of a political action since the aim of the FPMR commando unit was to take military action against an army installation.
        
        
      In view of the evidence gathered, this Commission has come to the conviction that the human rights of Lieutenant Julio Zegers were violated by members of the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front.
      
      On September 29, 1989, Héctor PINCHEIRA ARMIJO, 30, a police second corporal who was assigned to the Forty-second police station (radio patrol cars), was killed in an attack that took place in the San Miguel district. On the night of September 29, he and other police officers were travelling in a police vehicle on their way to investigate a crime report. As they were driving along Calle Angamos a pickup truck pulled in front, and several individuals began to shoot back at the police van. In the shooting, Pincheira was hit twice, according to the autopsy report. He died at the Barros Luco Hospital, as indicated on his death certificate. Another police officer and two passers-by were also wounded. The evidence examined indicates that:
      
      
      • The aim of this attack on the police was political;
        
        
      • While the police were engaged in legitimate activities to control public order, they were attacked by surprise and had no chance to defend themselves.
        
        
      This Commission came to the conviction that the human rights of police Second Corporal Héctor Pincheira Armijo were violated by politically motivated private citizens.
      
      On December 14, 1989, Patricio Adolfo CASTILLO LARA, 23, a police officer who was assigned to the La Castrina station, was attacked and killed in the La Granja district in Santiago. Presidential and parliamentary elections were being held that day. Castillo was standing guard outside school D-495 in the Joao Goulart shantytown. As he was doing so, a young man came up and shot him. Castillo fell to the ground, and the attacker seized his weapon and ran away. Many witnesses saw what happened and described it to the press. Castillo was hit by four bullets and died on the spot, as indicated in his autopsy report. Evidence gathered makes it possible to conclude that:
      
      
      • He was engaged in a legitimate activity of controlling public order on a presidential and parliamentary election day. Hence it is likely that the attack was aimed not only at a police officer but at the political significance of that particular day. Both aspects lead to the presumption that the attack was politically motivated.
        
        
      • The attack left the police officer no chance to defend himself. The Commission came to the conviction that the human rights of the police officer Patricio Adolfo Castillo Lara were violated by a politically motivated private citizen.
        
        
      On February 9, 1990, Jaime Arturo GONZALEZ CALQUIN, 28, a policeman assigned to the Thirteenth station in La Granja, was killed in a gun battle in this district. That night a politically motivated commando unit attacked an investigative police unit. Members of this group later attacked the San Ramón police substation and ran away. González was at this latter unit and set out to chase the attackers. A few blocks from the police unit the attackers and the police engaged in a gun battle. González and another policeman were wounded. A bullet hit officer González in the head, and he died at the police hospital while he was undergoing treatment. Since the attack on two police units can only be understood in the context of violent political struggle, the Commission came to the conviction that police officer Jaime Arturo González Calquín was killed in a gun battle with politically motivated private citizens.
      
      

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Posted by USIP Library on: October 4 2002
Source: Report of the Chilean National Commission on Truth and Reconciliation
(Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 1993), vol. II/II, Part Three, Chapter Three (B), 679-712.
Note: Digitized and posted by permission of the University of Notre Dame Press, February 22, 2000.